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US-Japan relations good: BMD



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US-Japan relations good: BMD

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to regard Japan as a "global partner," the collective self-defense issue has gradually emerged as a serious challenge ro stable alliance re­lations, especially in connection with missile defense. In order to function effectively, BMD systems demand not only the free flow of sensor information from the American side but also reverse flows from the Japanese. It would be difficult to develop a transpacific missile defense architecture that avoids this problem. BMD will thus call the long-standing Japanese ban on the exercise of collective self-defense, under prevailing constitutional interpretations, into question. So could rapid-reaction responses to nuclear, chemical, or biological terrorism.40 All these considerations will necessitate increased Japanese planning for re­gional contingencies in much closer coordination with the United States than has heretofore been true. They will also require more clarification of prospec­tive Japanese strategies. Such rules of engagement will also require some soften­ing of the principle of civilian control over the military and provide Japanese commanders in the field with more latitude to support the United States than has previously been true.

Missile Defense Key to stopping prolif

ISHIBA 03

[SHIGERU ISHIBA, Former Japanese Minister of Defense, “Japan's military can benefit Asia too” 6/4/3, Lexis]

Although this proposal is not from the government of Japan, I think the idea could contribute to regional stability, promote peaceful use of military forces and build confidence. I would like to make a few remarks on Japan's future roles in terms of security. Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, witnessing the changes in security environments, we are examining the future roles of Japan's defence forces. First, the future defence forces of Japan need to be strengthened to respond more effectively to new threats towards Japan and the various contingencies it may face. Secondly, they are required to contribute to maintenance and improvement of the stable international security environments, from which Japan largely benefits. Deterrence should be sought in the new security environments. How to deter new threats is a common challenge to all of us who are responsible for today's global security. I think ballistic missile defence (BMD) is effective as one of the measures to deal with those new threats, especially to cope with proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. Japan has recently decided to accelerate BMD study. I reckon BMD acts not only as a measure of self-defence but also as a deterrent against new threats. That is, BMD is effective because it will devalue the merit of ballistic missiles, and thus discourage attempts to possess them. From that viewpoint, I recognise that BMD is important for Japan as its basic policy for national defence is exclusively-defence-oriented.



Prolif will cause nuclear use and extinction


Utgoff, Deputy director for Strategy, Forces and Resources at the Institute of Defense Analyses Survival, 02(Victor, “Proliferation, Missile Defense and American Ambitions”, Summer, p. 87-90 Volume 44, Number 2,)

In sum, widespread proliferation is likely to lead to an occasional shoot-out with nuclear weapons, and that such shoot-outs will have a substantial probability of escalating to the maximum destruction possible with the weapons at hand. Unless nuclear proliferation is stopped, we are headed toward a world that will mirror the American Wild West of the late 1800s. With most, if not all, nations wearing nuclear ‘six-shooters’ on their hips, the world may even be a more polite place than it is today, but every once in a while we will all gather on a hill to bury the bodies of dead cities or even whole nations.




Missile defense solves Nuclear war

IBD 08


(Investor’s Business Daily, “Obama's Plan To Disarm The U.S.,” lexis)

Cutting allegedly "unproven" missile defense systems is music to Kim Jong Il's and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ears, let alone all the PLA generals wishing our destruction. Yet Obama wants to kill a program that's yielding success after success, with both sea- and land-based systems. The military just this week intercepted a ballistic missile near Hawaii in a sea-based missile defense test. Proposing "deep cuts in our nuclear arsenal" amounts to unilateral disarmament, and it's suicidal given China's and now Russia's aggressive military buildup. Meanwhile, Iran and North Korea threaten nuclear madness, and Osama bin Laden dreams of unleashing a nuclear 9/11 on America.

US-Japan relations Good- Oil supply

Relations key to Japan’s Middle East oil supply

Calder 09

[Kent E. Calder, Director of the Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University. “Pacific Alliance” 2009 pp 94-95 ]

Some of Japans first strategic energy sea-lanes were across the Pacific, as the United States provided 80 percent of its immediate pre-World War II oil sup­ply.16 During the 1930s, Japan's semigovernmental Southern Manchurian Rail­way, among other firms, had synthesized artificial oil from coal and in 1937 moved to production.17 Yet this did not substantially reduce Japan's vulnera­bility. During wartime, oil supply shifted to Southeast Asia, and the ability of American submarines to throttle such sources was a major cause of Japan's war­time defeat. Since the early 1950s, the crucial energy sea-lanes have increasingly been those to the Middle East—even further away and even less subject to Japanese political-economic control—than the declining fields of Southeast Asia. Japans dependence on the Middle East since the mid-1980s has steadily risen, as shown clearly in figure 4.2. Japan to this day lacks substantial direct political-military relationships with most key Middle Eastern nations, and its military presence west of the Strait of Malacca, a fleeting one, dates only from 2001. Yet -lanes between Yokohama and the Persian Gulf are considerable and grow¬ing. Because of its low energy self-sufficiency Japan has been heavily dependent on the Middle East for energy resources since the 1950s. And that longtime, substantial dependence has actually been rising. In 1970 Japan got 84.6 percent of its crude oil imports from the Middle East,18 a share that rose to more than 90 percent by 2005.19 Japan now takes fully one quarter of all the oil exported from rhe Middle East,20 making it by a substantia! margin the largest customer in the world of the region's oil, especially that of the Persian Gulf Indeed, Japan now imports one and half times as much oil from the Gulf as all of OECD Eu¬rope combined. The strategic importance of this striking new economic reality, which underlines the importance of the energy sea-lanes westward from East Asia to the Persian Gulf, can hardly be overstated, although it remains remark¬ably unknown to all but a handful of specialists. Sea-lane defense is thus a pri¬mary alliance equiry for rhe United States in the overall U.S.-Japan relation¬ship. The sea-lanes to the gulf are relevant to the Pacific alliance, of course, for two major reasons. First, those long and vulnerable maritime lifelines are used in¬creasingly by many nations of Asia, including China, South Korea, and India as well as Japan.21 Second, the energy sea-lanes are dominated militarily by the U.S. Navy, the only real blue-water fleet on earth. To the extent that the United States perseveres in this sea-lane defense role and that other powers such as In¬dia, Australia, South Korea, or China do not emerge—singly or in combina¬tion—as an alternative, energy sea-lane defense will continue as a political-mil¬itary cornerstone of the Pacific alliance




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