Internationalisation dans le champ éducatif (18e – 20e siècles) Internationalization in Education (18th – 20th centuries) Genève / Geneva, 27-30 juin / June 2012
Marta Maria CHAGAS DE CARVALHO, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil; Maria Rita ALMEIDA TOLEDO, Universidade Federal de São Paulo, Brazil
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- Irina LEOPOLDOFF, FAPSE, Université de Genève, Switzerland
- Jeudi / Thursday 11:00 - 13:00 Room: 3393 2.5. Lenfance et la jeunesse comme cibles de propagande politique / Childhood and youth as targets for political propaganda
- Katharina SCHEMBS, Institute for Educational Studies, Humboldt University Berlin, Germany
- Matthew PAULY, Michigan State University, U.S.A.
- Toni MORANT i ARIÑO, Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (University of Münster), Germany
- Beate KAISER, FU Berlin, Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, Germany
- Paolo BIANCHINI, Università degli Studi di Torino, Italie
- Jeudi / Thursday 11:00 - 13:00 Room: 5193
Marta Maria CHAGAS DE CARVALHO, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil; Maria Rita ALMEIDA TOLEDO, Universidade Federal de São Paulo, Brazil Cette communication s’occupe d’une modalité d’internationalisation des savoirs pédagogiques: celle qui est opérée par la médiation de la presse spécialisée en éducation quand un texte traverse les frontières nationales et est publié dans un pays différent de celui de son publication originaire. Elle se propose à analyser des changements de signification produits dans ces textes, au delà des transformations produites par l’opération de traduction elle-même, par l’intervention des dispositifs d’édition qui les convertissent en volumes d’une collection. On parle des volumes I, II, V, IX, X, XII, XIII, XVIII e XXII de la collection Biblioteca da Educação, publiés au Brésil entre 1927 e 1934. Ces volume sont, par l’ordre de leur publication: Pieron, Psicologia Experimental; Claparède, A Escola e a Psicologia Experimental; Durkheim,Educação e Sociologia; Ferrière, A Lei Biogenética e a Escola Ativa; Binet et Simon, Testes para medida de inteligência; Dewey,Vida e Educação; Cresson, Situação atual dos problemas filosóficos; Kilpatrick, Educação para uma civilização em mudança; Luzuriaga, A Escola Única. La majorité de ces auteurs est de quelque façon liée au mouvement international pour l’école nouvelle et les titres ne sont pas la traduction fidèle des titres originaux. La composition des volumes suit la logique qui commande l’édition de la collection: celle d’une stratégie d’édition inscrite dans un programme brésilien de reforme de la société par la reforme de l’école qui comptait avec l’appui de l’organisateur de la collection, Lourenço Filho. La publication d’un livre comme volume d’une collection le transforme en un produit divers du original à cause de ce que Roger Chartier a définit comme dispositifs textuels et typographiques de modélisation de la lecture. Il en suit l’importance d’étudier cette modalité d’internationalisation des savoirs pédagogiques en examinant ces dispositifs. En spécial, il faut examiner ceux que Olivero a nommés l’appareil critique d’une collection: les préfaces, les notes du traducteur ou de l’éditeur, les commentaires introduits dans les volumes, les indices rémissibles et onomastiques, les exercices, les sommaires etc. En tant que des dispositifs matériels de production de la collection, ils transforment les textes originaux pour les adapter à un projet d’édition. Dans la Biblioteca de Educação, les préfaces fonctionnent en tant que protocoles de lecture: ils construisent l’intertexte qui unifie les différents volumes publiés en parlant de la relevance des auteurs et des savoirs qu’ils divulguent pour la rénovation du champ de la pédagogie. Outre les préfaces, d’autres dispositifs transforment les livres traduits en volumes de la collection en changeant leur sens: par exemple, des notes du bas de la page, des sous-titres explicatifs, des notes de traduction et des procédures de remise en ordre des textes traduits en portugais. Avec eux l’éditeur fait l’adéquation des textes traduits au projet éditorial qui est le sien. Ainsi, il interfère dans les textes édités en transformant les savoirs pédagogiques qu’ils communiquent. Ce sont ces dispositifs que nous nous proposons à analyser, avec l’objectif de repérer les changements du sens qu’ils produisent. Grandeur et décadence d'une science Irina LEOPOLDOFF, FAPSE, Université de Genève, Switzerland Grandeur et décadence d’une science Bien que d’illustres précurseurs aient pressenti l’importance de s’intéresser à l’enfant: Rabelais, Comenius, Pestalozzi, Rousseau, pour n’en citer que quelques uns, ce n’est qu’au 19ème siècle que le statut de l’enfant se modifie. Pour beaucoup, à l’instar de Key (1908), le 20ème siècle sera considéré comme le siècle de l’enfant. L’enfant devient l’enjeu d’un projet social, ouvrant le champ aux investigations scientifiques les plus diverses. La santé, la justice et l’école sont les principales institutions mobilisées. La scolarisation de masse en Europe, aux Etats-Unis et en Union Soviétique, n’est pas étrangère aux changements qui interviennent dans les représentations sociales et les objectifs de la recherche scientifique. Nous ne reprendrons pas ici en détail l’essor fulgurant et généralisé qu’a connu la pédologie comme ambassadrice de la science de l’enfant et dont l’évolution, en Europe et aux Etats-Unis, a été retracée par divers auteurs, Depaepe (2001) en particulier. Le processus de disciplinarisation, au sens de Hofstetter et Schneuwly (2007) connaitra son crédo en 1911, pour se désagréger brusquement dès 1914 avec le début de la première guerre mondiale. Le fameux et unique Congrès international de pédologie qui se tient à Bruxelles en 1911, marque son apogée. Selon Depaepe (1987), 300 représentants de 22 pays y assistent. De grands noms de la psychologie, de la pédagogie ou encore de la psychanalyse, autant de personnalités et de nationalités différentes, se sont déplacées pour y confronter leurs vues sur les promesses attendues d’une nouvelle science: la pédologie. Si la pédologie occidentale entre rapidement dans une phase de déclin, la situation russe s’en distingue. Bien que les préoccupations envers l’enfance rejoignent celles de l’Europe et des Etats-Unis au début du siècle, la Russie devenue URSS va miser sur cette nouvelle science dans les années 20, alors que les autres nations s’en désintéressent. D’une vitalité déjà considérable avant la révolution de 1917, la popularité de la pédologie en URSS se renforce au cours des années 1920, soutenue par les autorités de la jeune nation socialiste. Une littérature abondante et le nombre d’institutions qui s’en réclament alors, attestent de la dynamique puissante qui se dégage de ce mouvement. Ce processus historique sera stoppé net en 1936, quand la pédologie est déclarée officiellement hors la loi. Bien que certains auteurs (Fradkin, 1990; Etkind, 1992) se soient penchés sur l’histoire singulière de cette science, l’ouverture des archives russes et l’accès facilité dans les bibliothèques permet d’en donner un prolongement. Après avoir donné un bref panorama du contexte historique, nous distinguerons les particularités qui caractérisent l’implantation de la pédologie en terre soviétique, en nous basant sur des textes écrits durant cette décade. Une description de deux revues pédologiques, l’une de 1923/24, Pedologičeskij žurnal, l’autre Pedologija, dès 1928, suite au premier Congrès de pédologie panrusse dont l’enjeu était de promouvoir la pédologie au rang de science de référence principale du renouveau éducatif en URSS, permettra de proposer une analyse sérielle du processus d’institutionnalisation jusqu’en 1932, période laissant déjà présager sa fin brutale en 1936. Jeudi / Thursday 11:00 - 13:00 Room: 3393 2.5. L'enfance et la jeunesse comme cibles de propagande politique / Childhood and youth as targets for political propaganda Chair: Iveta KESTERE Fascist youth organizations and propaganda in a transnational perspective: Balilla and Gioventù italiana del Littorio all’estero in Argentina (1922-1955) Katharina SCHEMBS, Institute for Educational Studies, Humboldt University Berlin, Germany The Italian Fascist regime from 1922 onwards was among the first to extensively organize youth and leisure in its striving to gain totalitarian control over society. Apart from being a relatively new political movement, the Fascists, with their main characters barely older than forty, instigated an explicit youth cult with the fascist anthem tellingly titled “Giovinezza”. The indoctrination of youth as garantours of the longevity of the regime was conceded a central role. In decided opposition to the liberal educational model and complementary to the regular school system, the Fascist youth organizations centered around anti-intellectualist pedagogical principles that exalted physical pre-military exercise. By collective activism like choreographed marches, the characters of the youths were to be formed along the lines of the envisioned “italiano nuovo”. Despite Italian Fascism as the first modern dictatorship being a precedent in many respects, in re-organizing youth it also drew on preexisting foreign examples, like the British boy scouts. Subsequently the resulting Balilla and later Gioventù Italiana del Littorio served as models for youth organizations in other countries, for example Nazi Germany or Franco-Spain, with which exchanges of high representatives and members were organized. With the ultimate goal of diffusing Fascist ideology abroad, the Fascist youth organizations also served an explicit propagandistic purpose, where – apart from Europe – special attention was paid to overseas countries with large Italian immigrant communities like the USA, Brazil and Argentina. The relevance of their activities is underlined by the fact that they together with other institutions abroad, like the Istituto Dante Alighieri, came to be considered as ‘paradiplomacy‘ (Garzarelli 2004), which led to serious disputes over responsibilities with the Foreign Ministry and the regular diplomatic corps. In putting the Fascist youth organizations into a transnational perspective, my contribution to the conference will firstly shed some light onto the international sources of inspiration for building up the Fascist youth organizations. The main focus will then be on their activities abroad, especially in Argentina as a country with a population of up to 50% Italian origin. Likewise the reception by and receptiveness of the Italian immigrant communities and the host society are to be taken into account. Thirdly, an outlook will be given on the afterlife of the Fascist youth organization as an inspirational source even following the fall of the Fascist regime. The Peronist youth organizations, installed in 1953 by Perón, Argentine president from 1946 until 1955, never came to equal the Italian precedent model in terms of numbers and extent. Nevertheless the Peronists still conceded youth a central role as the future political generation and in stressing sports and organizing youth championships and camps adhered to similar pedagogical principles. As far as the sources are concerned, preference will be given to a bottom-up-perspective by making use of ego-documents like diaries of members of the youth organizations. Furthermore special attention will be paid to visual propaganda material as a central means of founding the youth cult as well as advertising the youth organizations and Fascist ideology in Italy and abroad. Between the Nation and Internationalism: The Communist Youth League, Young Pioneers, and the Schoolhouse in Soviet Ukraine, 1923-1934 Matthew PAULY, Michigan State University, U.S.A. In 1923, Soviet authorities began a nationalities program that promised the transformation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkSSR) and the creation of a new society. Labeled Ukrainization, the campaign was part of the larger policy of korenizatsiia (indigenization), an all-Union strategy for the advancement of non-Russian languages and culture. Primary schools provide the most productive arena in which to investigate the Soviet promotion of korenizatsiia since these schools were the sites of the policy’s most rapid achievements. Despite its “national form”, the policy had an explicit connection to international education and internationalist aims. The linguistic transformation of the classroom through native-language instruction was to facilitate the formation of an idealized working community (utopia) through the adapted application of classroom models proposed by European and American progressive pedagogical theorists. The party intended schools to be the training ground for a new generation of skilled, politically conscious, and economically informed Soviet citizens, whose perspective was internationalist, even if their knowledge was acquired in the national classroom. In the terms of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, Ukrainian educators sought to disseminate a “new language of authoritythat injected a political vocabulary into a transformed peasant dialect: a new standardized literary Ukrainian would supplant Russian as the dominant language in the republic and enable efficient communication between regions, as well as orient the rural towards the city and the international workers’ movement beyond Soviet borders. This paper investigates the impact this policy in Soviet Ukraine had on the primary political units responsible for oversight over schools and children: the Communist Youth League (the Komsomol) and Young Pioneers. The Young Pioneers were the most familiar face of political authority and even for children and population centers where no detachment existed news of Pioneer activities reinforced notions of generational cohesion and suggested normative behavior. Thus, the Ukrainian Commissariat of Education, the Communist Party, and the Komsomol saw Pioneer resistance to Ukrainian-language education or to labor instruction as dangerous. As the social tensions increased during the midst of the Five-Year Plan, the Komsomol leadership saw local Komsomol organizations and Pioneer detachments in direct competition with “class enemies” for influence over youth, especially in largely Ukrainophone rural areas. Komsomol and party organizations notified the public about the treachery of supposed Ukrainian nationalists through their own publications, partly because these forces were allegedly infiltrating the school and ranks of Komsomol teachers and Pioneer students and undermining the internationalist content of instruction. What emerges from a careful reading of the archival record regarding Pioneer and Komsomol activities in Ukraine is that Communist authorities believed that Ukrainian instruction promised the “moral regeneration” of children and youth activists if accomplished correctly, but feared the nationalism that it might incite. Ultimately, the Communist Party did not trust its own youth wings to protect against this possibility and chose instead to strengthen the authority of the school, replacing progressive education with a conservative pedagogy that offered less room for variant interpretations of curricular content. An ultimate success for the Spanish representation’. The relations of the Falange’s Youth Organization with Fascist Italy, 1936-1943 Toni MORANT i ARIÑO, Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (University of Münster), Germany The partial failure of the military coup in July 1936 against the democratic Second Republic in Spain gave place to a long Civil War, in which General Franco’s ‘National’ Spain was largely helped by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Their support also contained an important political-ideological side: both of them developed an intensive “foreign cultural policy” trying to influence the Spanish Fascist Party. Falange Española soon became an expanding mass party and developed or created its own Militia, Trade Union, Youth, Students or Women organizations. Due to the absence of own national historical examples, Spanish fascists found foreign contemporary ones in the ideologically most related regimes: the Hitler Youth and the Opera Nazionale Balilla. Indeed, for a short time the boys in the new falangist Youth Organization were significantly called like their Italian ‘comrades’: balillas. Parallel to the relations at state and party level, Falange’s Youth and Women organizations developed, starting in 1937, fluid bilateral contacts to the more experienced German and Italian counterparts. In doing so Falange’s aim was a double one. On the one side, it saw the Civil War as its chance to reach power and establish a fascist regime and wanted to learn – both in theory and practice - how to achieve the totalitarian integration of all women and adolescents. Until 1942 several young officials, male and female, carried out study stages, in order to ‘experience’ the mechanisms of the political socialization of Youth in fascist regimes. On the other side, Falange wanted Spain to become the third ruling country of the forthcoming Nazi “New Order”. From 1940 Spanish Fascist Youth Organization and especially the Women’s Section took part at a multilateral level in the so-called “European Culture Work” of the Hitler Youth. In collaboration with the Gioventù Italiana del Littorio and authoritarian youth organizations from several European countries, they worked together through several sport and cultural meetings culminating in the foundation of the European Youth Union at Vienna on September 1942. Their work – creating the basis for a “Young Europe” - was divided among several task groups, among them Press, Sport, pre-military Instruction, Family, School or Female Youth. However, further plans were broken up as war development turned more and more against the Axis. After some short introductions to both the Spanish and the Italian Youth organizations, my contribution to the conference will firstly focus on the influence of the Italian model, taking into account the bilateral visits and propaganda. Secondly, central attention will be paid to the European level of the contacts, highlighting which kind of Europe was meant to be built and which goals the Spanish young fascists were trying to reach there. Finally, my contribution will stretch out until the end of the contacts in 1943, as Italy was defeated and Spain arduously tried to distance itself from the European fascisms. In all of three parts the Gender perspective will play a main role. The Pionierorganisation “Ernst Thälmann” in the GDR: pedagogical work between soviet allowance and governmental control Beate KAISER, FU Berlin, Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, Germany The Pionierorganisation „Ernst Thälmann“ was the only governmental legitimated organization for younger children in the GDR. About 98% of all children aged between 6 and 14 years belonged to it in autumn 1989. The organization was established to ensure the political and ideological education of children and their families. It was strictly and centrally organized by the Free German Youth Organization (FDJ) and was controlled by the ruling communist party SED. The aim of education in the Pionierorganisation was loyalty to the regime, to socialism and to the SED. The conception and implementation of pedagogical work in the Pionierorganisation was exclusively orientated at the example of the soviet Pionierorganisation “Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin”. During the founding years all educational aims, educational methods und materials were based on the soviet model. The traditions of the German youth movement were ignored, if they had not been adapted already by the communist organizations before 1933. The intentions of the German youth movement were refused by the communist leaders. The lecture will demonstrate, how the soviet parameter were transferred into the GDR, how they were justified theoretically and implemented practically. In this context the presentation will refer to the theoretical base as well as to questions of content, methods and organization. Furthermore the lecture will illustrate, that in the Pionierorganisation, especially during the phase of foundation, pedagogical reflections were replaced by political and ideological aims. During the 1960 the pedagogical work of the Pionierorganisation became more academic. In that time the professional education of the Pionierleiter (who were the operatives of the Pionierorganisation) was transferred to the colleges and universities. Indeed, the effort to establish a separate pedagogy of the Pionierorganisation failed. The discipline was lacking substance, because the priority of political aims prevented a free scientific analysis with the child and its needs. On the other hand the Pionierorganisation was strictly controlled by the Minister of education Margot Honecker herself. She examined narrowly the acquittal of political and ideological duties, and blocked methodical and organizational progressions. Until 1989 the officials of the Pionierorganisation were not able to contrapose an own pedagogical approach to the soviet model. This thesis was confirmed by the incidents of autumn 1989: after the Pionierorganisation lost governmental legitimation, the organization could not be reformed on democratic basis. In addition to the annoyance of children and their parents, the lack of pedagogical ideas played a key role. The officials were not able to formulate convincing concepts beyond political aims. La réception de la pédagogie soviétique dans l’Italie de l’après-guerre. Le débat sur l’école et l’éducation russes et la création du système formatif républicain Paolo BIANCHINI, Università degli Studi di Torino, Italie L’Italie était sortie de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale avec l’exigence de construire un système scolastique que lui permettait de franchir l’expérience tragique du fascisme et de former des citoyens capables de jouer un rôle actif dans la nouvelle vie démocratique. D’ailleurs dans le parlement italien, comme dans les journaux et les revues spécialisées, n’existait aucun accord sur le modèle à adopter pour atteindre un résultat considéré comme fondamental pour la naissante république. En plus, restaient irrésolus beaucoup des problèmes hérités par le passé, comme les rapports entre école publique et école privée, gérée par l’église catholique, l’analphabétisme grandissant et la méfiance d’une partie de l’opinion publique conservatrice envers l’instruction pour tous. Précisément sur ces problèmes se sont confrontés dans les années suivant la fin de la guerre catholiques et laïques, communistes et non, en discutant de thèmes tels que la liberté d’enseignement, le financement des écoles catholiques et l’enrôlement des enseignants. Dans ce contexte, la pédagogie italienne s’est efforcée de porter sa contribution, en faisant connaître les meilleurs modèles étrangers, de l’activisme américain et suisse au système éducatif anglo-saxon, jusqu’à l’école de l’Union soviétique. Surtout la pédagogie soviétique a été alors au centre d’un intense débat, alimenté non seulement par les pédagogues et les experts d’école, mais aussi par les partis politiques, en particulier par le Parti Communiste et la Démocratie Chrétienne. C’est surtout la revue pédagogique «Scuola e Città», une des plus lues et qualifiée à l’époque, qui a fait connaître en Italie l’expérience russe, avec une attention spécifique aux théories et aux réalisations pratiques de Makarenko. Le modèle éducatif de Makarenko plaisait pour sa laïcité et pour son recours au collectif, un outil pédagogique que semblait fait pour renforcer la cohésion démocratique de la société italienne, brisée par plus de vingt ans de fascisme. Ces caractéristiques rendaient la pédagogie de Makarenko aisément compatible avec d’autres modèles, bien différents, comme l’école laboratoire de Dewey et l’école à mesure de l’enfant de Montessori. A la lecture de Makarenko proposée par «Scuola e Città» s’opposaient d’autres revues d’inspiration catholique, et spécialement «Pedagogia e Vita» qui, en adoptant une lecture idéologique de signe opposé, s’efforçait de dévoiler l’athéisme cachée derrière la présumée laïcité de l’école soviétique et surtout pour démontrer ses liens avec le totalitarisme communiste. Le cas du débat pédagogique autour du modèle de Makarenko montre bien le rôle auxiliaire que la pédagogie italienne a eu par rapport au pouvoir politique dans les années de l’après-guerre. En s’efforçant de fournir l’arsenal idéologique des partis en vue de la bataille sur la réforme de l’instruction, la plus grande partie des pédagogues italiens est restée prisonnière du débat politique, sans arriver à renouveler le panorama éducatif de l’époque. Les manquements de la pédagogie, joints à la myopie de la politique, ont aussi condamné l’Italie à conserver pour les cinquante ans suivants l’école héritée par le fascisme, en confiant à la loi Gentile du 1923 la tâche de former les citoyens de la jeune démocratie. Jeudi / Thursday 11:00 - 13:00 Room: 5193 2.6. Education physique. Une discipline au carrefour d'échanges internationaux / Physical education: a discipline at the crossroad of international exchanges Chair: Mathilde FREYMOND The recontextualization of traveling theories in the development of physical education in France and Argentina, 1880-1940 Download 2.32 Mb. Share with your friends:
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