Italy’s ‘non-predatory’ approach in Africa? Gibson Nyikadzino Correspondent



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Italy-Africa Summit
Cost of immediate gratification
The migrant crisis that Italy wants to end in exchange of energy investments is one that Europe brought upon itself through the murder of Libya’s Colonel Muammar Gaddafi on October 20, 2011.
To curb migration, the Italian government in 2009 through the Italy-Libya Friendship Treaty pledged to provide $200 million a year for 25 years through investments in infrastructure projects in Libya. The European country provided patrol boats to Libya and pledged to help construct a radar system to monitor Libya’s desert borders, using an Italian security company, to stop migrants from making it to Europe.
The deal stood, but not later than October 20, 2011. According to Italian deputy prime minister and Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, because of the agreements reached with Col Gaddafi, Italy was able to stop the migration flows, and the situation was far more stable in the region.
On the part of the West to allow Col Gaddafi to be killed, Tajani said: “It was a very serious mistake. He may not have been the champion of democracy, but once he was killed, political instability descended upon Libya and Africa.”
Immediate gratification and political convenience are the goals of the West. When it was convenient for them to collaborate and kill Col Gaddafi, the treaties that had been signed between the parties were discarded. Now that the crisis has become overwhelming, they want the African collective to help alleviate their self-inflicted burden.
Does Italy have capacity?
Despite Italy’s economic significance as the Eurozone’s third-largest economy and founding member of the G7 and NATO, the country has struggled to translate its economic power into political influence. 
In January Rome assumed the presidency of the Group of Seven (G7) countries and vowed to make African development a central theme. This theme is informed by the need to checkmate the influence of countries friendly to Africa like China, Russia, Turkey and India. These too engage Africa on the basis of satisfying their interests. Italy has the second weakest or lowest performing economy among G7 members after Canada.
The G7 has never prescribed favourable economic and political antidotes to Africa. It rather counters the themes that Africa stands for. Critical questions have to be answered on what Italy means by making “African development the central theme” during its G7 presidency. From an Italian perspective, what constitutes African development? How much of the input will Africa give in this development venture?
The danger is to have western recommendations of what African development entails, yet since Africa’s post-colonial renaissance the majority of countries have been implementing western prescriptions without success.
In attempting to lure and get Africa’s listening ear to its suggestions, Italy is facing a biggest challenge. Around 40 percent of its gas comes from African producers; its involvement in the Sahel and North Africa to mitigate rising instability and foreign interference has been at times careless.
Where Italy wants to shape policy and cooperation with Africa through $633 million, the EU under the Global Gateway (GG) has promised to mobilise $160 billion from diverse investment sources by 2027 for the implementation of infrastructure projects. Does Italy have capacity?

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