Colonoware Vessel Fragment with Dogtooth Motif
African American
Dean Hall Plantation,
South Carolina, Post-1820
Earthenware
On Loan from the DuPont Company Collection from their Cooper River site, Moncks Corner, South Carolina, 40322:3:21
Cooking pot
Kongo people
Lower Congo, DRC
Early 20th century
Terracotta
Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Belgium, EO.0.0.5033
This elegant and functional Kongo carinated vessel was made for everyday use in preparing and cooking food. The zigzag design inscribed on the shoulder symbolizes a serpent, which is a reference to the ancestors who mediate between the earthly world of the living and the world of ancestors and spirits. A similar motif is inscribed on a fragment of a pot that was excavated from the site of Dean Hall Plantation in South Carolina. It is possible that a Kongo ceramist made this pot, considering that a large number of Kongos were brought to this area of South Carolina during the transatlantic slave trade.
Archaeology in America
For several decades archaeologists examining sites where enslaved Africans and their descendants have worked and lived, have determined new ways to interpret materials left behind. A number of sites demonstrate purposeful placement of materials beneath floors in efforts to control forces that might make a difference in the lives of those who lived or worked there. Such deposits were placed in the mansions of wealthy Europeans in colonial Annapolis as well as in modest cabins where Africans or their descendants lived. They have been discovered in the Chesapeake area, the Lowcountry of South Carolina, and as far west as Texas.
Cache
Charles Carroll House excavation, Annapolis, Maryland
1790–1800
Pearlware, stone, pins, quartz, bone disks
Charles Carroll House Collection
In the Charles Carroll House, a bundle was buried in the late 18th century in the room where an enslaved African woman lived. Containing a dozen rock crystals, polished pebbles, white disks, and common pins, the bundle had been covered by a bowl base. Such contents compare well with the types of ingredients used to create minkisi in the Kongo region. The discovery of the bundle led to a search for similar remains of Central African religious practices in Annapolis, where at least ten other sites dating from 1720 to 1920 have been discovered.
Cache
James Brice House excavation, Annapolis, Maryland
1860–1900
Various materials (porcelain doll, buttons, bone, shell)
Historic Annapolis Foundation
Materials placed under the floor in a kitchen in the Brice House suggest intentional positioning to align the accumulations with the cardinal points. This created a ritual space not unlike those the Kongo called dikenga or diyowa. The northern deposit in the Brice House contained, among other objects, doll parts, and the southern had feathers. An accumulation to the east contained a pierced coin, while the place where the western deposit would have lain had been destroyed during a renovation. The point of intersection revealed several caches buried over time, containing a small bottle, shells, buttons, matchsticks, a Civil War Union button, a holster boss, over fifty glass buttons and beads, scraps of red fabric, a root ball, polished black stones, and three coins dating from 1870-1900.
Jeweled Rosary with Two Medals
New Orleans, Louisiana
18th century
Metal, glass, wood
State of Louisiana
Medallion
New Orleans, Louisiana
18th century
Metal, glass
State of Louisiana
New Orleans’s first burial ground was excavated in 1984. The most notable burial was that of a man who was likely born in Africa and sent to Louisiana in his youth. Two of his lower incisors bear decorative notching not unlike that in Kongo. Great care taken in his burial suggests he was a man of position. A jewel-set rosary was wrapped around his hands, two saint medals attached to it. A metal and glass medallion lay nearby. The medals represent St. Andrew and St. Camillus of Lellis, patron of doctors and nurses.
St. Christopher Medal (replica)
Fort Mose, St. Augustine, Florida
n.d. (reproduction, 2013)
Silver alloy
On Loan from the Frederick E. Williams Irrevocable Trust
Kongos were among those who lived at Fort Mose, an African fortification guarding the north side of St. Augustine. A medal was discovered on the site, which on the front has an image of St. Christopher carrying the infant Jesus. A navigator’s compass is on the back. St. Christopher may have been an apt patron for Africans who crossed swamps and estuaries to get to Catholic Florida from British Carolina. The compass may have been read as a familiar symbol, presenting overlapping crosses that had cosmological meaning for Kongolese.
Kongo Influence on African American Music
The music and dance traditions that Kongo people brought with them during the transatlantic slave trade have formed the core of many African American performance genres. Areas in the southeastern United States, particularly New Orleans and the Lowcountry of South Carolina and Georgia, were crucibles for blending Kongo rhythms with other African and European musical forms.
During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in New Orleans’ Congo Square, people of Kongo heritage used prototypes of musical instruments from their homeland to accompany their songs, singing styles and dances. Those cultural practices including specific rhythmic patterns would go on to inform jazz music as well as the ring shouts of the Lowcountry.
Kongo-derived dances also influenced dance forms including the Charleston, patting juba, hambone, second-line, shake babe, shimmy, tango and the stepping traditions of Greek fraternities and sororities. These and other Kongo-derived art forms were quintessential in shaping both African American culture and American culture as a whole.
Coiled Baskets of South Carolina and Georgia
The Gullah people of the Sea Islands of Georgia and South Carolina create coiled grass baskets that clearly reflect their African origins. The coiled technique of sewing bundles of grasses together in a continuous coil came with West and Central Africans brought to America, primarily as workers on rice plantations.
As early as the eighteenth century, the Gullah made baskets for fanning rice, carrying foodstuffs and utensils, and for storage. After the late nineteenth century, demand for agrarian baskets waned, but the art of basket making was preserved at the Penn Center on St. Helena Island, South Carolina.
Since the early twentieth century, baskets have been sold commercially and basket makers have competed for greater visibility in the market by introducing new techniques, materials and designs. This intensive innovation has culminated in the recognition of Gullah basket makers’ artistry both nationally and internationally.
Vegetable Basket
South Carolina
20th century
Bulrush, saw palmetto
Charleston Museum
Early Gullah baskets made for utilitarian purposes included workbaskets used in the home, as well as baskets for bringing in the harvest. Rice was the most important early crop in the Lowcountry, and wide, flat fanner baskets were indispensable for processing the crop. Most fanners were not embellished, thus the fanner with a delicate ring foot may have served another purpose. Steep sided baskets were used for hauling vegetables, flowers and utensils, and carried as a head-load. Cylindrical lidded baskets were used for sewing supplies or storing small items. Early baskets were made primarily from bulrush and other grasses bound with palm strips.
Elizabeth F. Kinlaw
American, born 1951
“In and Out” Basket
2012
Bulrush, sweetgrass, longleaf pine needle, palmetto
Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art: Museum purchase with funds provided by The David A. Cofrin Acquisition Endowment
After three centuries of producing coiled grass baskets, some based on Kongo forms, Gullah basket makers began to add new materials, techniques and shapes to their repertoire. Sweetgrass and bulrush are the main fibers, but the introduction of longleaf pine needles in the 20th century added more color and textural variation. The large stepped-lid basket and the “In and Out” basket are adaptations of multi-tiered Kongo baskets. The sewing basket or pocketbook basket with its handles, a clasp and decorative knots and patterns, is an elaborate version of a popular form Lowcountry basket makers invented in the late 20th century.
Face Vessel
Bath, Edgefield, South Carolina
Mid-1800s
Alkaline-glazed stoneware
On Loan from the Estate of Mary Elizabeth Sinnott, Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of American History, Kenneth E. Behring Center 324314
The first description of face vessels as the creations of African American potters came from a pottery owner in Edgefield, South Carolina in 1862. Earlier, in 1858, a Kongo man named Tahro had been brought to Georgia aboard the illegal slave vessel the Wanderer. Eventually Tahro, renamed as Romeo, came to Edgefield. It is likely that he worked in the Palmetto Fire Brick Works near Bath, a pottery where he may have produced face vessels inspired by Kongo figurative sculptures. The shape of the vessels is similar to a Kongo water jug called mvungu. It is possible that face vessels functioned as Kongo medicine containers, or minkisi. Reportedly, they were placed on graves, mirroring the Kongo tradition of marking graves with figurated wares.
This face vessel is one of the rare examples with writing. The inscription of “Joe Banford” on the top may refer to the person depicted or for whom it was made.
Bottle for Vodou Spirit, Damballah
Haitian-Floridian
2012
Cloth, glass, unidentified substances
Samuel P Harn Museum of Art, University of Florida, Gift of Robin Poynor
2013.30
Vodou Medicine Packet (paket kongo)
Haitian-Floridian
20th century
Cloth, feathers, sequins, unidentified substances
HistoryMiami Museum
2005.06.001
Historical links can be demonstrated by objects imported from Haiti to be sold in botanicas in Miami. The bottle as nkisi can be seen as strikingly Kongo. In Vodou, such bottles are designated for specific spirits. The serpent moving up the bottle and the colors indicate that this example is for Damballah, a Fon deity. Each bottle can be accompanied by a bound package made of cloth, ribbons and enclosed materials, which can also be seen as a separate nkisi and referred to as a paket kongo, recognizing its Kongo roots.
Although the word Vodou derives from the Fon word for deity, vodun, it is a syncretic religion with Fon, Ewe, Yoruba, Kongo and European Catholic contributions. The blending of Roman Catholic Christianity and Kongo religious traditions that took place in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Kongo was carried across the Atlantic and absorbed into Vodou as it developed in eighteenth-century Saint-Domingue and independent Haiti.
Sacred Vessel for Palo Mayombe, prenda or nganga
Cuban-Floridian
20th century
Iron, wood, medicinal substances
HistoryMiami Museum
1987.024
Practitioners of Palo Monte, the Cuban variation of Kongo religion, acknowledge a High God, Nzambi. But the spirits of the dead and other spirits are called upon. Objects containing power-infused materials are placed in special containers, nganga, the focus of the initiate’s practice. Each spirit is associated with that sacred object in which sacred earth, sticks, a human skull, bones and other objects were placed. The individual develops a relationship with the spirit through carefully tending the container, accumulating power through caring for the many objects placed in it over time.
Different spirits have different types of ngangas. The nganga for Sarabanda, the spirit associated with iron and metal, is fashioned from an iron pot with three legs, which is eventually filled with sticks, a skull, bones, railroad spikes and other powerful materials and substances. Although Sarabanda is the spirit of work and strength, he is also associated with destruction and accidents.
Offering Pot for Palo Mayombe, tinaja
Cuban-Floridian
20th century
Ceramic, medicinal substances
HistoryMiami Museum
1987.024
Palo spirits use distinctive types of ngangas. That for Baluande, a spirit associated with water and fertility, is a clay pot. That for Chola Wengue, the spirit of rivers, wealth, seduction and pleasures and the protector of women, is also made of clay. The pot, called a tinaja, is colored, each spirit requiring a different hue. The container here is likely for Chola Wengue, whose nganga is yellow.
African American Graves and Commemorative Objects
African Americans have commemorated deceased family members using a diverse array of found and constructed objects placed on graves or kept in the home. Graves are frequently adorned with seashells, personal objects such as clocks, lamps, glass bottles, figurines, crockery and materials related to the deceased’s faith or occupation.
Assembling objects on graves is a legacy of the Kongo, whose chiefs and elite members of society had elaborate graves that were covered with personal objects, such as ceramic vessels, that bore their last connections with life. The Kongo concept of the grave as a site of passage and contact for ancestral spirits is reflected in African American graves and commemorative objects such as memory jars. Mirrors or other shiny objects placed atop graves or attached to the vessels compare to the Kongo use of shiny objects to evoke the spirit of the deceased, so that he or she might provide guidance to the living. Seashells allude to passage to the realm of the ancestors below the water and symbolize immortality.
Commemorative Object for Grave
Georgia
20th century
Wood, glass, paint, floral materials
On Loan from a private collection
This African American grave adornment from Georgia has several elements that link it to Kongo funerary practices. The white interior suggests the whiteness Kongos associate with the ancestral realm, mpemba. The cross made from twisted tree branches is Christian inspired, but the encircled cross with each arm accentuated by a rosette mimics the Kongo dikenga, a cruciform symbol which marks the four points of passage of human life from birth to adulthood to death, and the afterlife. The painted silver ends of the cross, like other shiny objects placed on graves, recall the Kongo practice of embedding shiny objects inside medicine bundles to invoke ancestral spiritual presence and power.
Memory Jar
American
20th century
Hand-built clay with encrusted shards and found objects
On Loan from the High Museum of Art, Museum Purchase with funds from the Decorative Arts Acquisition Trust, 1997.37
Memory Jar
American
Early 20th century
Ceramic bottle, plaster, found objects
On Loan from Renée Stout
In Georgia, an 1880 report of a clay jar covered with items associated with the deceased, then placed on a grave, was the first documentation of African American use of so-called memory jars as grave adornments. The creation and use of memory jars is rooted in the Kongo funerary practice of placing ceramic vessels and items used by the deceased on gravesites. The two jars displayed here, coated with plaster and embedded with seashells, ceramics, glass and other objects, demonstrate the linkage to Kongo displays. One jar also bears an inscription To The Emmett Cole/Funeral Home. /Presented By./B.Y.M.B’S of/North Broad Baptist/ Church./ Rome, Georgia, suggesting it belonged to one of the church’s congregants.
Kongo and Contemporary Art
Many artists presently working in Africa, South America, the Caribbean and North America mine Kongo history, philosophy, religion, and iconography to create new art. They may be attracted to Kongo culture because they share its heritage, identify with the territory as an ancestral homeland or think of it as part of their national identity. Others look to African art in general for inspiration, finding suitable forms or fitting iconography in Kongo sources. Each form of appropriation is complex and may be traced to the early period of colonialism when African material culture was introduced into the West.
Five artists in the exhibition represent ways in which Kongo influence is manifested in contemporary art. They are Renée Stout (American), Steve Bandoma (Congolese), José Bedia (Cuban, lives in America), Radcliffe Bailey (American), and Edouard Duval-Carrié (Haitian).
José Bedia (Cuban, lives in Miami, born 1959)
Piango Piango Llega Lejos (Step by Step You Can Go Far) ,2000
Acrylic stain and oil pastel on canvas
Ackland Art Museum, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Ackland Fund 2001.2
Bedia depicts a human figure morphing into a turtle, the horizontal bands on its undershell filled with linear drawings suggestive of firmas. Many elements important to Palo are indicated – the anvil, the nganga, the knife. The circular form of the undershell filled with such symbolic images is suggestive of the cauldron itself. Color spots on the outlines of the bodies suggest glowing stars in a constellation. One turtle-like body seems to be in our plane, the other as if seen beneath water. Is this suggestive of one in our world and the other beneath the kalunga line, which separated our space from the spirit world?
Edouard Duval-Carrié (Haitian, lives in Miami, born 1954)
La Traversée (The Crossing), 1996
Oil on canvas in artist’s frame, Bass Museum, Gift of Sanford A. Rubenstein
Duval-Carrié’s La traversée is from "Milocan ou la migration des esprits," a series in which he follows the migrations of spirits through forests and across water from Africa to Haiti and to the United States. Here the lwa are packed tightly into the boat, crossing the waters of the Middle Passage. The water-colored spirit at the prow is Simbi, the water spirit, whose presence is known not only in Kongo and Haiti, but also in the Lowcountry of South Carolina and Georgia. The question mark on his ear may indicate the uncertain course and destination of the spirits on their way across the Atlantic.
Renée Stout (American, born 1958)
Self-Portrait #2 (Self-Portrait as Inkisi), 2008
Metal, fabric, glass and organic materials, Collection of the artist
Many of Renée Stout’s works are inspired by Kongo minkisi, which embody and contain diverse sources of spiritual power. In Self-Portrait #2 (Self-Portrait as Inkisi) a denture brace of a departed elder friend is suspended from a metal horse’s bit to evoke the power of an ancestral “voice” and link it to the power to harness tremendous spiritual forces. Multicultural roots of the blues infuse the work as well. Koko Taylor’s “I’m a Woman,” became Stout’s theme song for her self-portrait, evocative of her conjure woman alter ego, Fatima Mayfield. Stout recounts, “as I listened to the song, it seemed that the woman herself was a powerful force to be reckoned with, like an inkisi . . . I ran with that vision and created a kind of power object, that when viewed from certain angles, evokes the abstracted form of a woman.”
Renée Stout (American, born 1958)
Master of the Universe, 2011-12
Found objects (Victorian era clock with figure, glass top table) wood, glass, bronze, silk, organic materials, rhinestones, glass beads, mirror, paint; Collection of the artist and Hemphill Fine Arts
In Master of the Universe, Stout interprets the nkisi as the embodiment of the complex power relationship between master and slave. A Victorian clock representing a slave balances two bundles of medicines Stout has created, and she has also filled the empty cavity once holding the clock with mystical substances. The figure stands on a glass-topped table filled with medicines – including High John the Conqueror root, embellished with gold, silver and rhinestones – configured inside a cross form that can be read as the crossroads, a spiritually charged site in African and African American cultures. It is also a powerful Kongo cosmological symbol for the cycle of life, death and rebirth. Stout has fitted out the slave figure as a nkisi, fortified by his power as a mediator between the world of the ancestors and the living, and thus master over both worlds.
Steve Bandoma (Congolese, born 1981)
Trésor Oublié (Forgotten Treasure), 2011
Watercolor/mixed media on paper, Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art: Museum purchase, funds provided by the David A. Cofrin Acquisition Endowment, 2012.61.1
Bandoma interrogates postcolonial politics focusing on issues such as race, religion, fashion and consumerism. In his Lost Tribe series, he has chosen the Kongo nkisi as a monolithic symbol of African traditional culture. Replacing blades inserted into the traditional nkisi nkondi with cut-out arms from fashion magazines, he instigates a humorous dialogue about the impact of Western culture with its new technologies and excesses – of images, desires and affluence. As we see in Forgotten Treasure, the monumental nkisi – a symbol of Kongo heritage conflated with African heritage – is toppled from its base, marked with dates of the colonial era. We are shown what has been destroyed and lost, but not what lies ahead for the Congolese people or for Africans more generally.
Steve Bandoma (Congolese, born 1981)
Acculturation, 2011
Watercolor, ink and paper collage, Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art: Museum purchase, funds provided by the David A. Cofrin Acquisition Endowment 2012.61.2
In Acculturation, a Kongo nkisi is pierced by the cut-out arms of models from fashion magazines instead of blades or nails of a nkisi nkondi. It waves a broken liquor bottle, rather than the spear of a nkisi, and its abdominal cavity is filled with a television color bar in place of a nkisi’s medicines. Bandoma’s nkisi appears as a spirit who is made more aggressive by Western media, who seeks acculturation through the subjugation of all people to Western consumerism. Alternately, this nkisi, as a metaphor for Congolese, Africans and all people, is a victim of excessive materialism.
Radcliffe Bailey (American, born 1968)
Returnal, 2008
Mixed media, Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art: Museum purchase, funds provided by the Ruth P. Phillips Endowment, with additional funds provided by the Caroline Julier and James G. Richardson Acquisition Fund. 2013.44
Bailey refers to his assemblages of images and objects contained in box-like frames as “medicine cabinets” and likens them to Kongo healing objects, minkisi. Returnal and other “medicine cabinets” attempt to reconcile history, personal memory and collective memory as an act of healing. In Returnal, models of sailing ships, photographs of Central African sculpted figures, and replicated flags of the Black Star Line remind us of the history of Africans and their descendants crossing the Atlantic. The circuitous voyage from Africa to America and back again also suggests the Kongo concept of the cosmic journey from birth to death and rebirth. As a mark of his quest of personal history, Bailey transcribes a series of letters taken from one of his DNA sequences identifying his African heritage. The central photograph of an unidentified man is an homage to his and all African American ancestors and recalls the Kongo belief in the continued presence and power of ancestors.
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