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Fourth, for certain pupils, notably some working-class and some ethnic minority students, effort and effortlessness are risky, which puts them in a very difficult posi- tion. Fifth, discourses that construct some pupils as naturally gifted can influence policy-making and the allocation of resources; the Gifted and Talented Programmes mentioned earlier are one example (see also Tsay and Banaji 2011). Sixth, the notion of effortless achievement is inextricably linked to conceptions of intelligence as nat- ural and non-malleable; from this viewpoint, effort is only for people who are defi- cient. Such views foster both fears of failure and fears of trying, both of which pose significant barriers to learning (cf. Hattie 2009).

Overall, the idea and the ideal of effortless achievement are seductive. We have demonstrated the attraction at different levels of education in two countries. Indeed, what is striking is the similarity between the Swedish and English data, both in terms of the strength and nature of the effortless achievement discourse, and in terms of who can, and cannot, be positioned as effortless achievers. Effortless achievement discourses tend to perpetuate and reinforce long-standing inequalities and need to be challenged. Dweck (2000) argues that we can begin to challenge the notion that effortless achievement is the pinnacle of accomplishment by praising effort and pro- cess, rather than product. While Dweck’s argument is strong and researchers have begun to demonstrate the positive effects of effort-praise in real-world contexts (e.g. Gunderson et al. 2013), challenging the desirability of effortless achievement will be difficult because of long-standing discourses about intelligence, and the benefits that some groups garner from perpetuating them.

Funding

Jackson’s work was supported by the Economic and Social Research Council [grant number RES-000-27-0041]. Nyström’s work was supported by The Faculty of Educational Research at Uppsala University, Sweden.



Notes

  1. Again, comparative research suggests that this is less obvious in Asian countries (Stables et al. 2014; Stevenson, Chen, and Lee 1993).

  2. Although in some cases, girls reinforce boys’ presentations as effortless achievers, for example, in Holford’s (2012) study, where some girls did their boyfriend’s homework.

Notes on contributors

Carolyn Jackson is a professor of Gender and Education in the Department of Educational Research, Lancaster University, UK where she is also co-director of the Centre for Social Justice and Well-being in Education. She has researched and published on numerous gender and education issues, including fear; constructions and performances of ‘laddish’ masculini- ties and femininities; and single-sex and mixed-sex learning environments. Her books include ‘Lads and Ladettes in School: Gender and a fear of failure’ and ‘Girls and Education 3–16’ (co-edited with Carrie Paechter and Emma Renold).
Anne-Sofie Nyström is a researcher at the Centre for Gender Research at Uppsala University, and also a senior lecturer at Mälardalen University in Sweden. Her research interests include educational inequality and feminist theory, with a particular focus on (young) men, masculinities and identity processes in peer groups in schools. She has published on mascu- linities; schooling and peer-group interaction; educational stratification; and ethical dilemmas in fieldwork.

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