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1 Thanks to representatives of a number of the local governments and firms discussed here for information and perspective, to Liu Wei for research assistance and to Tom Rawski, Loren Brandt, Eric Thun, Jennifer Hadden, Joanna Lewis, Yixin Dai, Ciqi Mei, and Zhilin Liu for comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

2 In the political science literature alone, for example, see Oi (1992, 1999); Yasheng Huang (2002); Heilmann (2008); Heilmann et al (2014); Gallagher (2014); Xu (2011); Chen Ling (2012, 2013).

3 As is referenced below, this literature tends to focus on market factors, including global value chains, have led to expanded innovative capacity in China. See, for example: Nahm and Steinfeld 2014; Brandt and Thun 2010.

4 Often industry studies fail to highlight the role of local governments except in passing, e.g., Bär (2013). Exceptions are OECD 2008 (ch. 7), Dai 2015, and Liu and Chen 2012.

5 As discussed below, both EV and PV panel industries have been designated Strategic Emerging Industries. Government policy has explicit goals for these “strategic” industries to be “innovative.” This is especially true of the EV industry, where foreign technology barriers to entry (particularly for hybrid vehicles) have been high.

6 “Strategic emerging industries” were introduced in 2006, but only gained momentum with the 2008 financial crisis. Beijing emphasized domestic self-reliance in order to: avoid royalty payments to foreign firms; avoid overdependence upon foreign sources including global value chains. (Kennedy, Suttmeier and Su, 2008)

7 Scholars identify several basic categories of innovation, often distinguishing between product and process innovation. Many observers argue that China has made major strides in second generation, incremental process innovation, i.e., the incremental mixing of established technologies to come up with new solutions, often at lower cost. A primer on innovation policy is Fagerberg, Mowery and Nelson (2005).

8 Relevant studies include Nahm and Steinfeld 2013; Lewis 2013; Abrami and Brandt, ms.; and for other industries Brandt and Thun 2010, Dinh et al 2013.

9 A classic work on disruptive innovation based on Schumpeterian notions of creative destruction is Christensen (1997).

10 Gershenkron’s argument underpins the East Asian developmental state literature. See Johnson, 1982, Amsden, 1989, and Wade 1990. See also Wong 2011.

11 Arrow (1962) identifies how the market fails to invest when innovative knowledge is imperfectly excludable. Hall (2005) theorizes that funding for new untried ideas cannot ex ante identify successful ideas from failures.

12 Beijing also has increased its emphasis on providing support for innovation with domestic origins, so-called “indigenous innovation.” The implicit innovation policy of Deng Xiaoping’s “opening to the outside world” incorporated foreign technology; a mix of foreign investment and purchasing technology on international markets using export earnings served as a key force for industrial upgrading. (Ernst 2009). See also OECD (2008), ch. 10.

13 The PRC’s comparative advantage in this area is emphasized in Bardhan and Mukherjee eds. (2006).

14 Dai’s (2015) interviews in the solar and wind sectors illustrate clearly that employment and tax concerns were paramount in local officials’ attitudes toward creating an ecosystem for firms in these sectors.

15 This dimension draws in particular on the literature by scholars of Chinese politics on central-local relations and local government behavior.

16 In particular, with the collapse of international export markets as a result of the 2012 international trade dispute over solar panels, NDRC officials were not supportive of bail outs for ailing Chinese solar panel firms.

17 Chen Ling (2012) traces the differences in regional business cultures in China to innovation outcomes in Sunan and Guangdong.

18 On sub-national governments’ roles in provision of these public goods in Europe, see OECD (2007), p. 48. With regard to China, Breznitz and Murphree (2011) compare the different models employed in three Chinese regions – Beijing, Shanghai and the Pearl River Delta – and how each succeeded in promoting second order (primarily process) innovation. Earlier works on regional differences in a single sector include, for IT, Segal (2003) and for the automobile industry (Thun 2006).

19 On the importance of global value chains in innovation, see Humphrey and Schmitz 2002; Gereffi, Humphrey and Sturgeon 2005; Baldwin and Clark 1997; Berger 2006.

20 On how provincial and province-level municipalities have modified Beijing’s call for SEIs to support their own local conditions, see USCBC 2013.

21 These roles are discussed only briefly in this paper, as they are well covered elsewhere (e.g., Breznitz and Murphree 2011, ch. 2).

22 HTDZs – and the Torch program projects - were not intended to support basic research but, rather, innovation that could rapidly be commercialized and therefore produce jobs. In this sense, though promoted as directed at “high-technology” goods, attention went to already mature technologies for which business plans could be quickly rolled out. Breznitz and Murphree (2011, p. 81) point to the Shenzhen HTDZ as a successful example of local (provincial in this case) governmental coordination by streamlining procedures and ensuring access for firms to a complete value chain. Heilmann et al (2013) have argued that the Torch program for high technology zones has had a very positive feedback effect in central policy.

23 On significant regional disparities in R & D expenditures (from all sources, including local governments) and R & D intensity (expenditures as a percentage of GDP) see OECD 2008, p. 43. Chapter 7 of this report examines the differences in the regional systems of Shanghai, Liaoning, and Sichuan. Each region has its own plan for how to meet innovation goals, with each plan to some degree reflecting the local context and comparative advantage. A similar study is Sigurdson (2004).

24 National subsidies, such as – for clean energy – feed in tariffs, stimulate demand. Incentives geared toward producers tend to be more the purview of local governments and hence tend to favor particular firms.

25 Based on network analysis by the Stanford Program on Regions of Innovation and Entrepreneurship/China 2.0 project, Stanford University School of Business.

26 Actions of Chinese local governments are clearly not unique in this regard. The US government, for example, has dozens of overlapping conflicting, duplicative programs to encourage policy goals, including for green energy.

27 Dai’s (2015) interviews show this clearly in the wind and solar cell industries.

28 Suntech made efficiency improvements in low-cost solar cells, improved wafer technology, and obtained 55 patents. (He 2006; Ahrens 2013) More recently it has moved into thin-film technology, that will allow further diversification of its business to higher margin areas. Suntech also made some favorable strategic moves, including the securing of long term upstream contracts for silicon supplies.

29 http://www.1000plan.org/qrjh/channel/11

30 This strategy was pursued vigorously in part by the collapse of international markets for solar panels and the US-China trade war in this area, and the PRC central government’s subsequent efforts to limit bank loans for the production of solar panels. On this strategy, see http://guangfu.bjx.com.cn/news/20140220/492008.shtml. On CDB loans, see http://www.china5e.com/news/news-336467-1.html.

31 Central subsidies to consumers for EV passenger vehicles on the MIIT’s approved list have been between 35,000 and 60,000 yuan, though these were scaled back starting in 2014. In addition, substantial reductions or exemptions from purchase taxes are also applied to EVs. Local subsidies in some places as much as double this one-time purchase subsidy. See Mock and Yang (2014) and “China Offers Billions to Subsidize Electric Cars on Gas,” Bloomberg News, December 10, 2014.

32 For these figures, see: http://business.sohu.com/20111024/n323217435.shtml, and http://money.163.com/11/1025/16/7H7P6V4T00253G87.html.

33 “BYD Leverages the “Power” of the Shenzhen Government” [“Jiè lì shēnzhèn zhèngfǔ bǐyǎdí lái “diàn”le Jiè lì Lái “diàn”]


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