The main objective of this thesis was to answer to the following hypothesis - The recent Chinese involvement in Ghana can be considered neo-colonial. Based on the conducted research, it can be concluded that the Chinese engagement in Ghana cannot be considered as neo-colonial. In spite of the extensive range of neo-colonial practices, China does not control economic, political, military or cultural spheres. The premise of neo-colonialism is based on direction of the economic system and political policy from outside, which is not in compliance with the findings obtained from this study. This thesis attempted to answer the following three research questions - Which neo-colonial mechanisms does China use? Does China perform economic, political, military and/or cultural control over Ghana? Does the China-Ghana cooperation bring benefits to Ghana?
Concerning the first question, China has complied with majority of the economic mechanisms of neo-colonialism. China promotes profitable North-South model of trade, sets prominent tariffs for imported goods and increases Ghanaian trade deficit. Moreover, China ties aid in order to secure access to natural resources and contracts for turnkey projects, repatriates profits and prioritises investment into lucrative sectors. China also contributes to indebtedness of Ghana and devaluation of Ghanaian cedi. Majority of the construction projects completed by Chinese companies are not poverty-reducing. On the contrary, China does not establish prices and quantities of commodities or sets rules on transportation of goods. No evidence was found that China would create a currency zone, manipulate financial institutions, or force Ghana to consult the main financial decisions or share information on policies. China has been widely criticised for inadequate employment of local population, low technology transfer and abuse of human and environmental rights. But the contemporary scholars do not find these factors as a measure of neo-colonialism. In the political sphere, Chinese neo-colonial tendencies include financing government, support of political party and bribery. However, China does not appoint civil servants, consult Ghana on internal issues, support political coups or dominate the media. In the military sphere, China has been involved in illegal arms transfer, but China has not intervened in the internal affairs, supported Ghanaian military or constructed a military base. No conflict resolution or peace-keeping mission has been undertaken. Concerning the cultural cooperation, China promotes its culture and language, but there is no evidence for the promotion of political ideology, religion or for the endorsement of neo-colonial values onto Ghanaian population.
Focusing to the next question, the results obtained from this study revealed that China does not control any of the four analysed spheres – economic, political, military and cultural. It is important to note that the economic sphere is more susceptible to Chinese influence than the other spheres. Several scholars assert that neo-colonialism is mainly an economic phenomenon, which is in accordance with the findings of this thesis. It is important to note that Ghana is not restricted to cooperation with China only, but maintains strong relations with its traditional partners also.
As for the third research question, it was found that the cooperation is both beneficial and exploitative. The advantages of the economic collaboration include job creation, technology transfer, improved competitiveness, increased living standard of low-income population and infrastructure development. Moreover, Ghana benefits from increased government revenues, economic diversification, export expansion, improved dynamics of local economics, development of various sectors, and provision of technical training. The disadvantages include tariffs on Ghanaian exported goods, trade deficit, maintenance of the North-South model, repatriation of the profits, illegal engagement in retail and mining sectors, non-transparent ODA, corruption, increased indebtedness and currency depreciation. China benefits from diplomatic recognition in the UN and likewise Ghana enjoys the Chinese support in international forums regarding its major issues such as trade barriers, farm subsidies and debt relief. China also supports Ghana in achieving the MDGs. The political sphere serves as a means of promotion of economic agreements. In contrast, China has been accused of engagement in corruption and bribery. The examination of military relations shows that the cooperation is rather insignificant and is limited to arms transfer which is beneficial for Ghana Armed Forces. In the field of culture and education, Ghana profits through provision of extensive Chinese professional training, scholarships, school materials and distance-learning facilities. Additionally, the promotion of Chinese language and culture contributes to the business facilitation.
The thesis suffers from some limitations. Most importantly, the data obtained from Chinese primary sources and newspapers are biased by Chinese practice to portray China-Africa/Ghana relations in a positive tone. The lack of English-language, independent newspapers in China impede the analysis of critical Chinese opinions. Limited accessibility of data including important trade and defence agreements made it impossible to draw an accurate conclusion. Given that the term neo-colonialism was never officially defined, various other factors could have been unintentionally excluded. It is impossible to conclude whether China acts as a neo-colonial power in Africa, as there are more than 50 other African countries. While economic control can be assessed relatively well, it is impossible to assess political, military and cultural control, as there are no appropriate scales. However, the limitations of this thesis give space to new researches. It would be interesting to make a comparative study of two or even more African countries on the engagement of non-traditional partners such as India or China. Likewise, a study on the differences of strategies undertaken by China and India could be conducted or a study which would focus on the Chinese soft power in Africa.
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