Masculinity, Women and the British Army: How societal conceptions of masculinity affect women in the British Army Kayleigh Kehoe



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Conclusion


There are a number of problems that occur when women engage in masculinity or as Baigent (2008) describes, acting out a masculinity. Negative views of female soldiers are consequently generated from the perception that women ‘lack’ physical presence and tough physique (masculinity), rather than from real life examples of women who have ‘chosen’ to be physically tough. The perception, as well as the reality, that soldiering involves action, danger, male fellowship, agility and strength, follows this masculine discourse that soldiering is men’s work, as this involves acting out masculine ‘attributes’ and behaviour that is only socially deemed appropriate to a male. However, this depends on who the male is, as the essentialist view of the innate abilities of the sexes has stemmed down throughout the Army via tradition and culture.
It can be seen that the reasoning surrounding the existence of sexual harassment, the exclusion of women from combat roles within the Army and the attitudes of both the formal and informal cultures can be related to the patriarchal society in which the Army is serving within. “Masculinity in the infantry is a variation of the near hegemonic masculinity prevalent in Western industrialised societies” (Hockey, 1986:24 cited in Williams, 1977). The fact that jobs within the Army are free from equal opportunities legislation, is in itself, hypercritical to the notion of equality of opportunity, which is what the Army is aiming to achieve through its policies, particularly in the ‘Equality and Diversity Directive’ (CGS, 2000). Further to this, the nature of modern warfare has consequently caused complications when attempting to determine the difference between direct combat and combat “support” roles (Febbraro, 2002). It can therefore be concluded, that it is impossible for women soldiers in the British Army to be accepted as equal to their male counterparts if they are excluded from particular roles due to their ‘inabilities’. This demeans women in all aspects, making them and emphasising that they are a lower class citizen, therefore highlighting the real power of the hegemony of masculinity within the Army. The Army’s exclusion of women from direct combat roles merely confirms which of the sexes the Army sees masculinity as belonging to.

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION

There is a considerable body of evidence to indicate that the idea that women should be excluded from the front line has become outdated. The changing nature of modern warfare has consequently meant that no clearly defined frontline exists. The continuation and preservation of hegemonic masculinity can be seen to be heavily present within the Army. Women do not ‘fit in’ with this norm due to their biological sex and the hegemonic view that masculinity is exclusively for men. Therefore, (as examined in Chapter 3), this forces them to be onlookers, on the edge looking in (Baigent, 2009) which can be related to Foucault’s (1977) notion of actors being watched on a stage. Further to this, Chapter 4 explained that collective thought about masculinity, thus the norms of the informal military culture, can lead to sexual harassment. Soldiers learn to ‘fit in’ following their enactment of carrying out a role (see Goffman, 1959) and are thus socialised into fitting into the practices and norms that are enacted by employees of the service, using sexist ideologies and fundamental ideas of sex differences in order to defend their jobs and image.



The traditionally gendered/patriarchal society (Walby, 1990) in which we live, has created gender roles for women that are difficult for them to break away from. Conceptions of masculine and feminine are traditionally seen by our society, as well as by members of the Army, to evolve from sex types (Kimmel, 2008). The full integration of women into all sectors of the British Army, would most likely demolish mass cultural assumptions of masculinity being male, thus destroying the hegemony that it sustains. This paper does not dispute the fact that this may consequently have detrimental effects in terms of combat effectiveness and be damaging to the Army ethos. It is true that biological factors cannot be simply ignored in the debate. However, is it morally just to exclude women from particular jobs on biological grounds? The hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995) that is displayed by the organisational culture of the Army follows the argument provided by biology. Therefore, maybe it is time that the implications of sociological thought and theory should be considered by Army in this debate.
Most significantly, the patriarchal social system (Walby, 1990) in which our society revolves around marginalises women through the protection of male interests. Conceptions of masculinity within the Army, as well as wider society, align with the traditionally historical, conventional and societal devaluing of women of which social control presents. Unfortunately, for women who enter the Army or who are part of the Army, or any other male dominated arenas, it is a no-win preposition (Kimmel, 2008). Masculinity in such arenas is sustained through the hegemony that seeks to reproduce and protect it (Connell, 1987). In order to succeed, women must become ‘like men’, sacrificing their femininity. However when they do depart from their femininity, they are consequently punished, being labelled as non-heterosexual, as ‘dykes’. It can therefore be seen that gender inequality forms a double blind for women (Kimmel, 2008), established through assumptions of gender difference and ‘institutional gender neutrality’ (Kimmel, 2008:16). The Army, as with many other workplaces, is gendered and criteria’s for success are often customized for the ‘other’ sex. Sex and gender difference and domination is therefore unfortunately reproduced and reinforced. Until men, society and consequently the British Army and the MoD recognise that masculinity is socially constructed and until conceptions of masculinity are universally seen as varying and multiple in their form, societal norms will allow the Army’s conceptions of masculinity to be of hindrance to women in their organisation. Therefore, it can be concluded that mass societal conceptions of masculinity affect women in the Army through; generating a military culture where sexual harassment is the norm, being replicated in Army policies whereby a sexual division of labour is formed and therefore ultimately limiting their participation in combat roles through exclusion on biological grounds. The hegemony of masculinity in the British Army and in society is insidious by its nature and automatically practiced by individuals whether subconsciously or not. Finally, until these conceptions of masculinity are questioned and significantly re-evaluated by society as a whole, they will continue to plague the general progression, integration and performance that female soldiers in the British Army may deserve. Masculinity is for women as much as men, it is a social construction, not a biologically innate quality. Therefore, it is surely time for its historical relations with the male sex to be questioned and thus removed in order to destroy men’s hegemony.

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1 Physical conduct of a sexual nature includes “unwanted physical contact ranging from unnecessary touching, patting or pinching or brushing against another employee’s body, to assault and coercing sexual intercourse”. Verbal conduct of a sexual nature is denied as being: “unwelcome sexual advances, propositions or pressure for sexual activity; continued suggestions for social activity outside the workplace after it has been made clear that such suggestions are unwelcome; offensive flirtations; suggestive remarks, innuendoes or lewd comments”. Non-verbal conduct of a sexual nature has been defined as constituting, “the display of pornographic or sexually suggestive pictures, objects or written materials; leering, whistling, or making sexually suggestive gestures”. See Employment Equality (Sex Discrimination) Regulations, (2005).


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