Themes of the American Civil War
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| Compromise, 1820–1850 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 13–15, 493–8. Excellent discussions of the social and ideological gulf between the sections maybe found in, for example, Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (Oxford, 1980), chapter 3; Bruce Levine, Half 60 • Bruce Collins Slave and Half Free The Roots of Civil War (New York, 1992). Among recent approaches to explaining Southern secession, the more structural approach adopted by Ashworth seems more fruitful than the intense focus upon contingency provided by Freehling. John Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic II, The Coming of the Civil War, 1850–1861 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 167–72; William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion II, Secessionists Triumphant, 1852–1861 (Oxford, James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom The Civil War Era (New York, 1988), pp. ix–x. There is an excellent analysis in Brian Holden Reid, The Origins of the American Civil War (London, 1996), pp. 260–79. 3. Ulrich B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (1902, repr. Yellow Springs, OH, 1968), pp. Michael P. Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic The Secession of Georgia (Baton Rouge, LA, 1977), pp. 106, William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion I, Secessionists at Bay, 1776–1854 (New York, pp. 185–210, 289–307, 459–74; see also Vol. II, Secessionists Triumphant. 6. Horace Montgomery, Cracker Parties (Baton Rouge, LA, 1950), pp. Clement Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790–1860 (New York, 1961), pp. 1–2, 297, 313, 323–24. An important work on Southern critics of slavery links some of those dissenters with the Whigs. Carl N. Degler, The Other South Southern Dissenters in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1974), pp. 79–96, Michael. F. Holt, The Political Crisis of the s (New York, 1978), pp. 219, 221, 224, Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln II, Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861 (New York, p. 318; David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861, completed and ed. Don. E. Fehrenbacher (New York, 1976), p. 500; William J. Cooper, Jr, Liberty and Slavery Southern Politics to 1860 (New York, 1983), pp. J. Mills Thornton III, Politics and Power in a Slave Society Alabama, 1800–1860 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1978), pp. xviii–xix, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Civil War in the United States (New York, 1961 edn.), p. 81. 11. Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic, pp. 345–50, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Capital Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (Oxford, 1983), pp. Marx and Engels, Civil War, pp. J. Morgan Kousser, review in Journal of American History 73, 1 (June, 1986), p. 189; Stephen V. Ash, When the Yankees Came Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861–1865 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1995), p. Thomas Paine, The Rights of Mani (Harmondsworth, 1984 edn.), pp. 8–9, 260–4, Roy P. Basler, ed, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln IV (New Brunswick, NJ, 1953), p. Johnson, Toward a Patriarchal Republic, pp. Robert Toombs to Alexander H. Stephens, February 10, 1860, in Ulrich B. Phillips, ed, The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, in American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1911, II (Washington, DC, 1913), p. 462; see also p. William W. Freehling and Craig M. Simpson, eds, Secession Debated Georgia’s Showdown in 1860 (New York, 1992), pp. 5–50, 116–44. On the danger of federal interference see pp. 27, 29, Ash, When the Yankees Came, p. 218, 220; Richard H. Abbott, The Republican Party and the South, 1855–1877: The First Southern Strategy (Chapel Hill, NC, 1986), pp. 38–40, Drew G. Faust, The Creation of Confederate Nationalism Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South (Baton Rouge, LA, 1988), pp. 14–16, 21, 81, 84, effectively analyzes the articulation of a Confederate nationalism while arguing that it was designed to serve the slaveholders’ interests. 21. Bruce Collins, White Society in the Antebellum South (London, 1985), pp. 8, 101–4, Peter Wallenstein, From Slave South to New South Public Policy in Nineteenth Century Georgia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1987), pp. 41, Collins, White Society, pp. 28–9, 84–9, William L. Barney, The Secessionist Impulse Alabama and Mississippi in 1860 (Princeton, NJ, pp. 62–3, 80, Southern Secession • 61 Drew G. Faust, James Henry Hammond and the Old South A Design for Mastery (Baton Rouge, LA, 1982), p. 360; Robert M. Myers (ed, The Children of Pride A True Story of Georgia and the Civil War (New Haven, CT, 1972), p. 634; Stephanie McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Householders, Gender Relations, and the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Caroline Low Country (New York, 1995), p. 289; William L. Buenger, Secession and the Union in Texas (Austin, TX, 1984), p. Natchez, Mississippi Free Trader, September 27, Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 35th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, DC, pp. 90–4. The proposal offered a tactical opportunity to expose Southern moderates such as John C. Crittenden as insufficiently Southern Crittenden opposed the measure on the expedient grounds that its timing was inappropriate Spain would not sell and America could not afford to buy. Ibid, pp. William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis The Man and his Houri (New York, 1991), p. 273. 29. A Political Textbook for 1860 (New York, 1860), pp. Phillips, The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens and Howell Cobb, pp. 448, 450. 31. Ollinger Crenshaw, The Slave States in the Presidential Election of 1860 (Baltimore, MD, pp. 228, 242, 247; Buenger, Secession and the Union in Texas, pp. Avery Craven, Coming of the Civil War, p. Thornton, Politics and Power, pp. 268–80, 291–312, esp. 302, 305–6, Albert Fishlow, American Railroads and the Transformation of the Antebellum Economy (Cambridge, MA, 1965), pp. 118–32, 157. Railroads demands for iron and machinery were considerable, but they did not stimulate much industry in the South. Ibid, pp. 144–5, Thornton, Politics and Power, pp. 282–7; quotation at For the following two paragraphs see Bruce W. Collins, Governor Joseph E. Brown, Economic Issues, and Georgia’s Road to Secession, 1857–1859,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 71 (Ibid, p. Jackson, Miss, Mississippian and State Gazette, December 23, 1857, February 3, 1858; see also December 16, 1857, January 13, 20, February 17, September 15, November 10, December 1, 8, 1858. 39. Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Mississippi for 1858 (Jackson, 1858), pp. Don E. Fehrenbacher, The South and Three Sectional Crises (Baton Rouge, LA, 1980), p. Lynda L. Crist and Mary S. Dix, eds, The Papers of Jefferson Davis VII, 1861 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1992), p. 14; VI, 1856–1860 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1989), pp. 254, 257–64, 271, 276; Davis, Jefferson Davis, pp. 284, 286–8, 291; Papers of Jefferson Davis VII, p. 19. The future President of the Confederacy has been depicted as a highly reluctant secessionist in Barney, Secessionist Impulse, pp. 195–6; Cooper, Liberty and Slavery, pp. Clement Eaton, Jefferson Davis (New York, 1977), pp. William C. Davis, Breckinridge: Statesman, Soldier, Symbol (Baton Rouge, LA, 1974), pp. William E. Gienapp, The Crisis of American Democracy in Gabor S. Boritt, ed, Why the Civil War Came (New York, 1996), p. 122; John Barnwell, Love of Order South Carolina’s First Secession Crisis (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982), pp. 166–90; McCurry, Masters of Small Worlds, pp. Long and considered discussions of future options maybe found in leading Democratic newspapers in the Deep South, e.g., Milledgeville, GA, The Federal Union, July 21, 1857, March, 1858; Natchez, Mississippi Free Trader, August 9, 16, October 25, 1858. 46. Gienapp, The Crisis of American Democracy p. Daniel W. Crofts, Reluctant Confederates Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis (Chapel Hill, NC, 1989), pp. 196–209, This explains a response recently emphasized Conservative politicians suddenly manifested a strange passivity, a debilitating lassitude that allowed the secessionists to seize the initiative,” George C. Rable, The Confederate Republic A Revolution against Politics (Chapel Hill, NC, p. 35. Rable stresses the similarity of fears and rhetoric among secessionists and cooperationists. What he describes as a revolution against politics could be seen as a widespread recognition that the defense of slavery in 1860–61 was a decision that genuinely transcended normal party political debate. Ibid, pp. 11, 18, 20, 22, 32. 62 • Bruce Collins Paul Horton, Submitting to the Shadow of Slavery The Secession Crisis and Civil War in Alabama’s Lawrence County Civil War History 64 (1998), pp. 111–36; Jonathan M. Atkins, Download 2.25 Mb. Share with your friends:
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