Patent Activity in Metropolitan Areas



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Patent Activity in Metropolitan Areas

Grant C. Black


Abstract

The creation and flow of knowledge underlying innovation arguably occurs most effectively in urban areas. Yet, the clustering of innovation is usually studied at the state level. This paper considers the role of the local technological infrastructure in patenting across U.S. metropolitan areas. Four industries are separately examined to explore inter-industry differences. The empirical findings indicate that knowledge spillovers and agglomerative economies emanating from the technological infrastructure generally lead to greater patent activity. These effects vary somewhat across industries and differentially impact the likelihood of patenting across all metropolitan areas versus the rate of patenting in areas with patent activity.


Key Words: Patents, Knowledge Spillovers, Geographic Clustering, Negative Binomial Hurdle Model
JEL Classifications: R12, O31
1. Introduction

The clustering of innovative activity is usually studied at the state level. While the state as a unit of observation allows for an examination of how knowledge spillovers and agglomerative economies affect regional innovation, the substantial diversity of activity that exists within individual states cannot be captured at the state level. Yet, the creation and transfer of knowledge, as well as access to other resources, arguably best takes place in smaller geographic areas, such as cities (Lucas, 1993). If knowledge is sticky, as von Hippel (1994) contends, so that the cost of transmitting knowledge rises with distance, firms locate near sources of knowledge to reduce costs. Firms, therefore, have an incentive to cluster in urban areas that facilitate the flow of ideas between individuals and firms (Glaeser, 2000; Lucas, 1998). This clustering of knowledge can stimulate innovation within these areas, while other cities—even within the same state—without such clustering may see little innovative activity.

This paper explores the distribution of patent activity in the high-tech sector across U.S. metropolitan areas during the 1990s. To the best of our knowledge, only one other study (Ó hUallacháin, 1999) examines patent activity at the metropolitan area level although not by industry. This paper is the first to explore inter-industry differences in clustering patterns and patenting by separately examining four industries that largely comprise the high-tech sector. This study specifically examines the role of the local technological infrastructure in patenting, using recent patent data compiled at the metropolitan level and expanding Ó hUallacháin’s analysis that focused largely on the effect of area size and omitted inter-industry differences. It refines earlier studies of patents at the state level (Jaffe, 1986, 1989; Feldman, 1994) and updates previous studies of innovative activity in metropolitan areas during the 1980s (Anselin et al, 1997, 2000a, 2000b; Feldman and Audrestch, 1999; Jaffe et al, 1993; Varga, 1998).

Section 2 discusses the geographic concentration of patent activity. The third section discusses the relationship between the local technological infrastructure and patenting and describes the empirical methodology and data used for this analysis. Section 4 reports the empirical findings about the impact of the local technological infrastructure on patenting activity in the United States during the period 1990-95, examining its effect first on the likelihood of patent activity occurring across all metropolitan areas and then on the rate of patenting in metropolitan areas with patent activity. The paper concludes with a summary of the empirical findings and implications related to the impact of the local technological infrastructure on patent activity.



2. Spatial Distribution of Patents

The skewed distribution of innovative activity is well documented. Regardless of the measure, innovative activity in the United States is predominately concentrated on the east and west coasts with a few pockets of activity scattered in the interior. Feldman (1994) provides a detailed breakdown by state of several measures of innovation, including R&D expenditures and innovation counts, which shows a propensity for innovation to concentrate in certain regions. Black (2001) reports that Phase II awards from the Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) Program in the United States are highly skewed across states and metropolitan areas, with approximately one in two awards being given to firms in Boston, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Washington, DC, and New York.



The distribution of patents in the United States is no exception. For instance, more than nine out of ten patents have inventors residing in metropolitan areas (Ó hUallacháin, 1999). Figure 1 depicts the distribution of utility patents by state during 1990-95.1 Although concentration on the east and west coasts is less pronounced for patents than for R&D expenditures or SBIR awards, California, New York and New Jersey rank in the top five states in terms of patents granted. The central states of Texas (third) and Illinois (fifth) join the ranks of the top five states, and Michigan is a close sixth. Figure 1 also shows that the distribution of patent activity is skewed to relatively few states. Over 316,000 utility patents were granted in the United States in 1990-95. Ten states received more than 10,000 patents, accounting for almost two-thirds of all utility patents in the United States. The large majority of states made up the remaining third. Thirty-one states had less than 5,000 patents, and almost half of these states received less than 1,000 patents.
[INSERT FIGURE 1]
The skewed distribution of patents is even more striking at the metropolitan level than at the state level. Of 273 metropolitan areas in the United States in 1990-95, 225 received less than 1,000 patents. Only 14 metro areas received more than 5,000 patents, with half of these receiving over 10,000 patents (U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, 1998). Table 1 lists the top five metropolitan areas in 1990-95 for number of utility patents granted. All but one (Chicago) of the top five metropolitan areas are in either California or the Northeast: New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Boston. While California has the greatest number of statewide patents, the New York metropolitan area has the most patents of any metropolitan area; San Francisco and Los Angeles are ranked second and third, respectively. Almost one in three patents are granted in one of the top five metropolitan areas.
[INSERT TABLE 1]
The concentration of patent activity at the metropolitan level remains evident when patents are disaggregated by industry. Figures 2 through 5 show the concentration of patents across metropolitan areas in 1990-95 for four two-digit industries that broadly encompass the high-tech sector: chemicals and allied products (SIC 28), industrial machinery (SIC 35), electronics and electrical equipment (SIC 36), and scientific instruments (SIC 38). The heaviest concentrations in all four industries occur in California, the northeast, and the manufacturing belt. Far less patenting takes place in metropolitan areas in the southern, central, and mountain regions, though sporadic pockets of activity exist in several cities. For chemicals, patenting is strongest in areas with a significant presence of chemical or biotechnology firms, such as New York, San Francisco, and Philadelphia. Machinery has more widely dispersed areas with significant patent activity, including Detroit and Chicago. While instruments is widely dispersed at low levels of patenting, most patenting in instruments is heavily concentrated in Rochester, New York, and Los Angeles.
[INSERT FIGURES 2, 3, 4, AND 5]
Table 2 lists the top five metropolitan areas receiving utility patents in 1990-95 by industry. For the four industries combined, New York ranks first, followed by San Francisco, Boston, Los Angeles, and Chicago. Four of the top five metropolitan areas are found in coastal regions—two in California and two in the Northeast. New York is the leading metropolitan area for patents across the four industries, being ranked first in chemicals and machinery and second in electronics and instruments. San Francisco and Boston are also ranked among the top metropolitan areas across all four industries. Chicago is the only metropolitan area ranked in three of the four industries that is not located on the west or east coast. The only other non-coastal city is Detroit, ranked third in machinery due to the automobile industry. While Table 1 shows that less than a third of all utility patents are concentrated in the top five metropolitan areas, Table 2 indicates that this concentration is stronger for “high-tech” patents and varies across industries. Over 37 percent of high-tech patents are in New York, San Francisco, Boston, Los Angeles, or Chicago. Patent activity in chemicals and instruments is considerably more concentrated than in machinery. The top five metropolitan areas capture one-third of patents in machinery but over 47 percent in chemicals and 44 percent in instruments.
[INSERT TABLE 2]
3. Local Technological Infrastructure and Patenting

The local technological infrastructure is typically thought to be comprised of the institutions, organizations, firms, and individuals that interact and through this interaction influence innovative activity (Carlsson and Stankiewwicz, 1991). This includes academic and research institutions, creative firms, skilled labor, and other sources of inputs necessary to the innovation process. Much research has focused on particular elements of the technological infrastructure (such as concentrations of labor or R&D)2, while far less has attempted to focus on the broader infrastructure itself. The literature that has explored the infrastructure as a whole generally describes the state of the infrastructure in innovative areas, such as Silicon Valley, in an effort to hypothesize about the relationship between the technological infrastructure and innovative activity (Dorfman, 1983; Saxenian, 1985, 1996; Scott, 1988; Smilor et al., 1988).



Following Feldman (1994), this study employs a knowledge production function to estimate the relationship between patenting and the local technological infrastructure. In the knowledge production function, some knowledge output is a function of a set of knowledge and other inputs (Griliches, 1979). To model the relationship between patenting and the local technological infrastructure, we define the knowledge production function as:
(1)
where PAT is a measure of patent activity; R&DLABS measures industrial R&D activity; UNIV measures industry-related academic knowledge; EMPCON is industrial concentration; EMPSIC73 is the concentration of relevant business services; POPDEN is population density; i indexes industry; and s indexes the spatial unit of observation (metropolitan areas). This model covers a range of knowledge and agglomeration sources that typify the local technological infrastructure. It includes private and public research institutions, concentrations of industrial labor and services, and population density as an indicator of informal networking and area size. The model, therefore, captures the role of knowledge spillovers and agglomeration effects from these sources in patenting.
[INSERT TABLE 3]
Table 3 defines the variables used to estimate the impact of the local technological infrastructure on metropolitan patenting. Two variables are created to measure patent activity: PATDUMi and PATENTi. PATDUMi is a zero-one dummy variable that captures whether or not a metropolitan area experienced any patent activity in industry i during the period 1990-95. PATENTi, on the other hand, indicates the rate of patenting in areas with a positive level of patent activity in industry i. Patent data at the metropolitan and industry levels come from the MSA_ORI and PATSIC files available from the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO). The MSA_ORI file reports the metropolitan area associated with every utility patent granted during 1990-99 that has a first-named inventor residing in the United States. A metropolitan area is assigned to a patent based on the address of the first-named inventor. The PATSIC file links every utility patent granted between 1963 and 1999 to the Standard Industrial Classification (SIC). Utility patents are those classified as inventions, which excludes plant patents, design patents, statutory invention registration documents, and defensive publications. The sample includes patents granted between 1990 and 1995 and assigned to U.S. nongovernmental organizations and individuals to isolate patent activity in the private sector. The sample is also restricted to patents assigned to only one metropolitan area, eliminating patents with multiple locational designations.

The Technology Assessment and Forecasting Branch of the USPTO created a concordance linking USPTO patent classes and SIC codes in the mid-1970s. The concordance links patent classes to 41 SIC industries. Patents were linked to the industries expected to either produce the patented invention or use the invention in production (Griliches, 1990). The methodology used for the concordance has been criticized because of double counting due to multiple SIC links and arbitrary links between patent subclasses and SIC codes (Scherer, 1982a; Soete, 1983). However, few alternative methods have emerged that yield data in the scale of the PATSIC file.3 To avoid inconsistencies related to double counting, this analysis restricts the sample to patents having a unique two-digit industrial classification.

Industrial R&D expenditures, commonly used as a measure of R&D activity, are unavailable at the metropolitan level due to data suppression. Instead, R&DLABS is used as a proxy for knowledge generated by industrial R&D. The number of R&D labs within a metropolitan area was collected from the annual Directory of American Research and Technology, the only source of metropolitan R&D data.

Two variables were constructed to measure the availability of local knowledge emanating from the academic sector: UNIVDUM and UNIVR&D. The broadest measure, UNIVDUM, is a zero-one dummy variable that indicates the presence of a university in a metropolitan area classified as a Carnegie Research I/II or Doctorate I/II institution. This subset of all academic institutions is responsible for the bulk of research in the United States, making these institutions the predominant source of academic knowledge within a region (National Science Board, 2000).

UNIVR&D expands this indication of access, focusing on knowledge produced at research universities that relates to an industry as measured by academic R&D expenditures at Research I/II and Doctorate I/II institutions matched to an industry. Knowledge contributed by other types of academic institutions likely plays a much smaller role in the knowledge spillover process. Moreover, Research I/II and Doctorate I/II institutions generate the highly trained science and engineering workforce through graduate programs, a vital source of tacit knowledge for firms hiring their graduates. Given the high correlation between R&D expenditures and conferred degrees in science and engineering fields, these institutions’ R&D expenditures in science and engineering fields proxy the knowledge embodied in human capital as well as in research.

The National Science Foundation’s WebCASPAR provided institutional level data on academic R&D expenditures by department for Carnegie Research I/II and Doctorate I/II institutions. Field-specific academic R&D expenditures were linked to a relevant industry and aggregated based on academic field classifications from the National Science Foundation’s Survey of Research and Development Expenditures at Universities and Colleges.



Industrial concentration is captured in a location quotient that defines an industry’s employment concentration in a metropolitan area relative to its national concentration. The location quotient is defined as:
(2)
where E is employment within a metropolitan area in industry i and N is national employment in industry i. Benchmarked at 100, a location quotient greater than 100 indicates a metropolitan area that has a relatively high concentration of employment in an industry compared to the United States overall, while a value less than 100 points to a concentration of employment in that industry below the national average. The higher the concentration of employment, the greater the potential knowledge transfers between firms in the same industry.

Employment in business services (SIC 73) measures, albeit imprecisely, the concentration of business services relevant to patenting. Business services include a broad array of services offered to firms, including advertisement, reproductive services, computer programming, data processing, personnel services, and patent brokerage. Industrial employment data were compiled from the Bureau of the Census’ County Business Patterns.

Population density is included in the model to isolate the influences on patenting of the size of and closeness in an area, which can occur through urbanization economies and (informal or formal) networking. For example, the greater the density, the more likely are individuals engaged in innovative activity to encounter other individuals with knowledge useful to them and to appropriate that knowledge through personal relationships. Population density at the metropolitan level came from the Bureau of Economic Analyses’ Regional Economic Information Systems, 1969-96.

This analysis covers 273 metropolitan areas in the United States over the period 1990-95. The 273 metro areas are comprised of 245 Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs), 17 Consolidated Metropolitan Statistical Areas (CMSAs), and 11 New England County Metropolitan Areas (NECMAs).4

To control for interindustry differences in the effects of the local technological infrastructure on patenting, four industries are examined: chemicals and allied products (SIC 28), industrial machinery (SIC35), electronics (SIC 36), and instruments (SIC 38). Industrial aggregation at the two-digit SIC level allows for reliable data collection at the metropolitan level and comparability to other research exploring the spatial variation of innovative activity in high-tech sectors (Anselin et al, 1997, 2000a; Ó hUallacháin, 1999).

A negative binomial hurdle model for count data (Mullahy, 1986; Pohlmeier and Ulrich, 1992) is employed to estimate the knowledge production function of patent activity given in Equation 1. Here, the hurdle model provides a means to investigate the potentially different effects of knowledge spillovers and agglomerative economies on (1) whether or not patenting occurs and (2) the rate of patenting in areas with patent activity. The hurdle model uses a two-step estimation procedure to separate these effects. The first step estimates the likelihood of whether or not one or more patents are granted within a metropolitan area using a binary choice model (here, a probit). This is done by estimating the model of patent activity as a function of the local technological infrastructure with PATDUM as the dependent variable. Academic knowledge spillovers are captured by proximity to university research, which is measured by UNIVDUM.



The second step of the hurdle model estimates the effect of the local technological infrastructure on the frequency of patent activity using a technique for count data. Because patent counts are a non-negative, integer measure, a technique accounting for the distributional characteristics of such data is employed.5 A negative binomial model (Cameron and Trivedi, 1998) instead of the common Poisson model is estimated because overdispersion exists in the data. Overdispersion indicates that the variance of the patent data is greater than the mean. Equality of the mean and variance is a necessary condition in a Poisson distribution; the negative binomial distribution relaxes this condition to allow for inequality of the mean and variance.

Table 4 reports descriptive statistics for the sample data across metropolitan areas and by industry for the period 1990-95. Instruments has the lowest number of patents, with less than 25 patents in the average metropolitan area. The maximum number of instruments patents is 736, close to half as much as the highest number in chemicals and electronics. Chemicals has a mean of approximately 33 patents but has the largest number of patents in a metropolitan area (1,866) across all four industries. The electronics industry has the highest number of patents (41), on average, in a metropolitan area.


[INSERT TABLE 4]
The average metropolitan area has almost 37 R&D labs, but the variance across areas is large with many areas having no labs and a handful having over 1,000. Industrial employment, on average, is most concentrated in chemicals and least concentrated in instruments. A moderate level of business services is available across metropolitan areas, with average employment in business services is over 19,000. Thirty percent of metropolitan areas have local research universities. Academic R&D expenditures are highest in instruments and chemicals and far lower in machinery and electronics.

The appendix lists the number of patents for each metropolitan area. Sixteen of the 273 metropolitan areas received no patents in 1990-95. While the vast majority (257) had some activity, 203 metropolitan areas had less than 100 patents in the four industries combined. Metropolitan areas with no patenting look distinctly different than those with patents, being characterized by weak technological infrastructures. They are not densely populated, have virtually no R&D labs, and have low levels of business services. The concentration of industrial employment in these areas, on average, is considerably lower than in the United States as a whole, particularly in instruments and machinery. Of these sixteen cities, only Pocatello, Idaho, has a research university and its academic R&D activity is low. The technological infrastructure in metropolitan areas with patent activity is much stronger. These areas on average are considerably more densely populated, have a much larger pool of business services, and have more concentrated employment across all four industries. Particularly striking is the stronger prevalence of research universities in these areas, with approximately 32 percent of these areas having one or more research universities located in the area.


4. Empirical Results

4.1. The Likelihood of Patenting

Table 5 shows the empirical results for the hurdle model’s probit equation where the dependent variable is whether or not one or more utility patents have been issued to the private sector in a metropolitan area. The results indicate that the local technological infrastructure—through both knowledge spillovers and agglomeration effects—influences patent activity in metropolitan areas. The likelihood of a metropolitan area receiving one or more patents is positively and significantly related to the number of R&D labs (R&DLABS) across all four industries. This supports previous findings that innovative activity, including patenting, clusters in areas with substantial private sector R&D activity. The concentration of industrial employment (EMPCON) is highly significant across industries, suggesting that metropolitan areas with relatively higher employment in these industries are more likely to have patent activity related to these same industries. Whether or not a metropolitan area receives any patents related to machinery, electronics, or instruments also depends on the availability of business services within that area (EMPSIC73). This evidence of significant agglomeration effects supports similar findings (Anselin et al., 2000b; Feldman, 1994) that demonstrate the positive effect of clusters of business services and industrial employment on innovative activity. In contrast to these results indicating significant agglomeration, and contrary to Ó hUallacháin (1999) who does not control for inter-industry differences, area size (POPDEN) has no significant effect on the likelihood of patenting in three of the four industries. Only in the case of instruments does population density have a significant effect at the metropolitan level. This suggests that, after controlling for the institutional and industrial elements of the technological infrastructure, urbanization economies and individual networks play an insignificant role in whether or not a metropolitan area experiences patent activity.


[INSERT TABLE 5]
Strikingly absent is a strong effect from the presence of local research universities (UNIVDUM) on the likelihood of receiving patents across all industries. While the presence of research universities increases the likelihood of patenting at the metropolitan level in chemicals and instruments, it has no significant effect whatsoever in machinery and electronics. This is consistent with Ó hUallacháin’s (1999) findings of a weak relationship between patenting and the combined number of research universities and R&D labs. This result suggests that the benefit from proximity to research universities in the patent process depends on the nature of the industry.
4.2. The Rate of Patenting

The previous section provides evidence that agglomerative economies and local knowledge spillovers play a role in whether or not industry-specific patenting occurs within a metropolitan area. It remains to be seen if these agglomeration and spillover effects also influence the frequency of patent activity. To address this question, we estimate the effects of the local technological infrastructure on the number of patents received by industry within a metropolitan area having patent activity.6 It is clear from Table 6 that the positive impact of local knowledge spillovers and agglomeration on the rate of patent activity is strong.

[INSERT TABLE 6]
Noticeable differences exist between the impact of the local technological infrastructure on the number of patents in areas with patent activity compared to the likelihood of patent activity across all metropolitan areas. The positive and significant role that R&D labs play in the probit estimations virtually disappears after the hurdle. An increased presence of overall industrial R&D activity, as measured by the number of local R&D labs, has no significant effect on the number of patents in three of the four industries—chemicals, electronics, and instruments. Surprisingly, there is a significant, albeit weak, negative effect in machinery, which suggests that an increase in local R&D labs is associated with a small reduction in the number of patents related to the machinery industry. The unexpected absence of a positive relationship between R&D labs and patenting at the metropolitan level has been found by Ó hUallacháin (1999) as well. This may be in part due to weakness of the R&D lab variable. The variable is not disaggregated by industry, and the consistency of the source data has been questioned (Ó hUallacháin, 1999).

Of particular note is the finding that university spillovers play a more important role in determining the number of patents than the likelihood of patenting in a metropolitan area. In contrast to the probit results where the presence of research universities has a significant effect only in chemicals and instruments, an increase in industry-specific university R&D expenditures leads to a significant increase in the number of patents issued within a metropolitan area in three of the four industries (chemicals, machinery, and electronics). Only in instruments is there no apparent effect, where the significant effect of the presence of research universities seen in the probit equation disappears when looking at the number of patents.

The size and concentration of the metropolitan area (POPDEN) plays a distinctly different role in whether or not patent activity occurs versus the number of patents if activity takes place. The probit equations indicate that population density is not significantly related to the likelihood of patent activity in each of the industries, with the exception of instruments where it has a positive and modestly significant effect. In marked contrast, for all four industries, size is a strong determinant of the number of patents in areas with patent activity. As the population grows denser, the number of patents significantly increases. This suggests that urbanization economies indicated by the size of a metropolitan area play a positive and highly significant role in the intensity of patent activity at the metropolitan level across all four industries that comprise most of the high-tech sector. The strong positive effect of the size of a metropolitan area found here is consistent with a similar effect found by Jaffe (1989) and Feldman (1994) at the state level and by Ó hUallacháin (1999) at the metropolitan level.

Agglomeration effects resulting from the availability of business services also have a highly significant and positive impact on the intensity of patent activity. Growth in business services employment (EMPSIC73) contributes to an increase in the number of patents issued within metropolitan areas having patent activity and the effect is stronger than on the likelihood of patenting. In both cases, the positive and significant effect of business services occurs in the same three industries―machinery, electronics, and instruments―suggesting that the chemical industry relies little on business services in the patent process.

Along with population density, employment concentration in a given industry (EMPCON) is the only component of the technological infrastructure that significantly affects the number of patents across all four industries. Industrial employment concentration exhibits a highly significant and positive effect on the intensity of patenting in areas with patent activity, similar to its effect on the likelihood of patenting in a metropolitan area. Therefore, metropolitan areas with a high concentration of employment in a given industry have significantly greater numbers of patents compared to areas with relatively low employment concentrations.
5. Conclusions

This paper is one of the first studies of patenting at the urban level rather than at the more aggregated state level and is one of the few to examine inter-industry differences in the relationship between geographic proximity and patenting. It has specifically explored the role of the technological infrastructure in patenting at the metropolitan level during the first half of the 1990s. Using recent patent data compiled at the metropolitan level, a knowledge production function was estimated using a negative binomial hurdle model for count data. The analysis controlled for inter-industry variation in the infrastructure’s effect by disaggregating the data into four two-digit industries that encompass most of the high-tech sector. The first step of the hurdle model estimated the effects of the local technological infrastructure on the likelihood that patenting occurs in a metropolitan area. The second step examined how the infrastructure affects the rate of patenting in areas with patent activity.

The empirical findings indicate that knowledge spillovers and agglomerative economies emanating from the technological infrastructure lead to greater patent activity. These effects, however, do not always hold across the four industries or between the measures of patent activity. The presence of R&D labs and the concentration of industry-specific employment have a positive effect on the likelihood of patenting across all four industries, while the presence of research universities has a similar effect only in chemicals and instruments. Proximity to business services is important in determining whether patenting takes place or not in all but the chemicals industry. Population density plays no significant role in the likelihood of patenting except for the instruments industry.

Academic R&D activity related to a given industry plays a more prominent role than simply the presence of research universities, having a significant effect on the number of patents in chemicals, machinery, and electronics. Industrial R&D activity, measured by the number of R&D labs, plays virtually no role in the rate of patent activity within a metropolitan area, contrary to its significant effect on the likelihood of patenting. Concentrations of local business services and industry-specific employment prominently influence the rate of patenting. Business services have a similar but stronger positive effect on the rate of patents than on the likelihood of patenting. Proximity to large concentrations of industrial employment consistently influences the rate of patenting across all four industries. Size also matters for cities with patent activity; the more densely populated a metropolitan area is, the more patents that area generates.

These results indicate that, at the metropolitan level, patent activity—in terms of both its likelihood and frequency—depends on the strength of the local technological infrastructure, but this dependence varies between the likelihood and frequency of patenting and between industries. The main policy directive suggested is that metropolitan areas wanting to stimulate innovative activity would benefit from strengthening their technological infrastructures. Second, the impact of such an initiative, however, is not even across the board. A stronger infrastructure is not a guarantee for increased innovation given that the influence of the infrastructure differs by industry. For instance, boosting university R&D has little impact on patenting related to the instruments industry but significantly influences patenting in machinery and chemicals. Therefore, metropolitan areas should consider their industrial composition when predicting the potential impact of changes to their technological infrastructure. Third, size and closeness do matter. While being more densely populated does little to influence the likelihood of patenting, it leads to significantly increased patenting where patent activity already occurs—regardless of industry. Cities that experience greater interaction among the population through increased population density should see more innovative activity. Therefore, local economic development may do well to consider policies aimed at concentrating the population, particularly among those likely to be involved in inventive activity, such as the high-skilled scientific workforce.
Acknowledgements

I thank Paula Stephan, David Audretsch, Sharon Levin, Susan Walcott, and Adam Korobow for beneficial comments. I also thank Carrol Black and Albert Sumell for their research assistance. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the author.

APPENDIX


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