Przykładowe Materiały Egzaminacyjne JĘzyk angielski poziom 3 Czytanie

Nothing to Hide, Nothing to Fear

As a cautionary tale, look no farther than Britain. Before 9/11, in response to fears of IRA terrorism, Britain wired itself up with so many surveillance cameras that it now resembles the set of the movie "The Truman Show." The cameras have proved extremely popular and used for very different purposes: 700 cameras now record the license plate of every car that enters Central London during peak hours to confirm that drivers have paid a traffic-abatement tax.

The British public, with its instinctive trust of government, has proved indifferent to the mission creep. More concerned about feeling safe than being safe, it is unmoved by the government's own studies which suggest that the proliferation of surveillance cameras has had no effect on violent crime or terrorism.

Contrast this quiet acceptance with the American resistance to a proposal, after 9/11, to bring a "British style" surveillance system to the nation's capital. The police wanted to link cameras on the Washington Mall with others mounted on police helicopters, in public schools and in the city subway. Eventually, they hoped to accept video feeds from private businesses that would allow remote monitoring of the entire city. Despite the support of community leaders, the surveillance plan was stopped by a coalition of liberals and conservatives suspicious of government power in all forms. The same coalition in America has also blocked other post-9/11 security initiatives. Congress, for instance, said no to a national identification card and imposed limited restrictions on sections of the USA Patriot Act. Criticism from privacy advocates also led the Bush administration to reduce slowly a system for pre-screening air passengers.

European attitudes toward privacy vary widely, but Western Europeans tend in general to be less suspicious of centralized government authority than Americans are. When the United States announced the US-VISIT program, which will require all foreigners visiting America to be fingerprinted, photographed and placed in a biometric database, there was no official protest from France and Germany: both countries had already planned to fingerprint visitors. Brazil, by contrast, responded by fingerprinting newcomers from the USA.

Europe's greater deference to government authority led countries like Germany and Britain to adopt surveillance measures after 9/11 that in some ways went further than the USA Patriot Act. In 2002, for example, Germany adopted a law that authorized the government to create a central database with personal information about foreigners, including fingerprints and religious background. The latest regulation also made it legal for German national ID cards to include biometric data, such as fingerprints or iris scans. And it explicitly endorsed data mining on a broad scale, requiring government agencies to turn over personal data to the federal police.

In Britain, which is even less suspicious of government surveillance than Germany because of its different experience with fascism and communism, the increase in surveillance powers has been even more dramatic. Antiterrorism laws passed in 2000 and 2001 allow constables to arrest without a warrant anyone they suspect of being a terrorist. They can hold suspects for 48 hours without allowing access to a lawyer. They can also fingerprint, photograph and search suspects for distinctive body marks without their consent. And any noncitizen the government designates as a suspected international terrorist can be indefinitely detained without trial.

The prospects for privacy and civil liberties in Europe are not entirely bleak. Because Europeans tolerate greater government regulation of the private sector, national and European laws restrict the ability of private companies to engage in data mining and surveillance more than in America. But when it comes to government surveillance, the general European attitude seems to be: nothing to hide, nothing to fear. As a result, Europe is importing powerful surveillance technology from America without the antigovernment suspicion that protects against its worst abuses.

1. 
   The article says the main risk connected with the growth of surveillance is ...
   

1. 
   the decline in libertarian culture in the USA
   
2. 
   the loss of privacy of visitors to the USA
   
3. 
   the increasing cost of modern security
   
4. 
   the limitation of European citizens’ rights
   

2. 
   According to the British government’s research, the use of cameras has ...
   

1. 
   affected neither the level of crime nor terror
   
2. 
   been of great help in fighting IRA troops
   
3. 
   become both unpopular and unacceptable
   
4. 
   increased the UK citizens’ feeling of safety
   

3. 
   In Washington, the surveillance plan was supported by ...
   

1. 
   local citizens
   
2. 
   community leaders
   
3. 
   coalition politicians
   
4. 
   private companies
   

4. 
   The US-VISIT program ...
   

1. 
   undermined centralised national authorities
   
2. 
   created suspicion among Western Europeans
   
3. 
   provoked protests among West European leaders
   
4. 
   led to the introduction of some similar procedures
   

5. 
   Recent legislation in Germany has allowed ...
   

1. 
   the inclusion of detectable data in a document
   
2. 
   the extension of the current central data base
   
3. 
   the completion of overseas visitors’ files
   
4. 
   the control of data mining by the police
   

6. 
   A British citizen in the UK can’t ...
   

1. 
   be arrested without a judge’s consent
   
2. 
   be deprived of legal help indefinitely
   
3. 
   be searched without consent
   
4. 
   have all biometric data taken
   

7. 
   Unlike American, European laws ...
   

1. 
   limit the access of business to data
   
2. 
   restrict import of surveillance technology
   
3. 
   violate human rights of the citizens
   
4. 
   prevent government surveillance abuse
   

In July, Chinese tour groups of Korean War veterans returned to North Korea to commemorate their sacrifices on the battlefield. The conflict, which left 360,000 Chinese dead, bound the two socialist allies “as close as lips and teeth”. Yet when four Chinese veterans visited their old headquarters in the North, they were shocked by what they saw: a massive painting of Pyongyang’s late “Great Leader” Kim Il Sung grandly instructing Korean officers into battle with just one Chinese officer on the sidelines. “This isn’t true!” fumed one Chinese veteran. “Kim came here only four times. Where are all the Chinese?”

North Korea has been teasing China for years, but what was once an irritation for Beijing is becoming a matter of serious concern. Since last October, Pyongyang has gone from restarting its old nuclear facilities to boasting about reprocessing enough plutonium to build at least half a dozen bombs. As North Korea has turned up the heat, the United States and other regional powers have begged Chinese leaders to talk some sense into Pyongyang. And for good reason. China has a powerful argument: it supplies more than three quarters of North Korea’s energy needs and more than one third of its imports. Beijing is weighing all options to influence its unpredictable ally. “North Korea’s a real headache for us,” admits one Chinese official. “It keeps demanding more and more fuel and food. We’ve sacrificed billions of dollars in the past 50 years.”

That helps explain why three weeks ago Beijing pulled Pyongyang back to the negotiating table. After heavy lobbying, North Korean officials agreed to six-way talks, hosted by the Chinese, that would include representatives from the two Koreas, the United States, China, Japan and Russia. Beijing, in fact, is expending more energy than ever on resolving the crisis. Hu Jintao, who became president of China last March, sent envoys across the region to arrange for the talks. After meeting South Korean President Roh Moo Hyun last month, Hu underlined that a nuclear North Korea would be unacceptable – the closest China has come to drawing a “red line” with Pyongyang. If the North tests a bomb, Chinese officials may give up on their northern neighbour.

Unfortunately for Beijing, North Korea often bites the hand that feeds it. Dozens of North Korean spies operate on the Chinese side of the border, stirring up trouble for local authorities from time to time. While Beijing tolerates their presence, the agents began misbehaving after China recognised South Korea in 1992. In recent years, they have resorted to “terrorist acts,” murdering North Korean refugees and the South Korean sympathisers who help them escape. Even some ethnic Chinese have died in the violence. In March 2001, two Seoul missionaries and four North Korean refugees were found dead, after a raid believed to have been carried out by North Korean agents. Beijing is terrified that upping the pressure on Pyongyang could trigger new incidents.

That’s why China still needs to act carefully. In the past, Chinese authorities have delayed oil or aid to show their displeasure with Pyongyang. But when Chinese food assistance dropped dramatically a decade ago, Beijing may have unintentionally helped bring on North Korea’s devastating famine. That move caused criticism and sympathy of many international organisations. Now Pyongyang’s economy is so weak that too much pressure could result in waves of starving North Korean refugees and with it regional instability. “If Beijing pushes too hard, it could trigger the very disaster it’s trying to prevent,” says one Western diplomat in Beijing.

Of course, Beijing will be one of the biggest losers if Pyongyang’s nuclear ambitions prompt
a nuclear-arms race between Japan, South Korea and possibly Taiwan. U.S. experts believe North Korea has enough plutonium to build between one and four nuclear devices. Chinese strategists worry – whatever the state of the North’s nuclear program – that Pyongyang’s actions could trigger an American-led military conflict on its doorstep.

Off the record, Chinese officials say their government would not fight alongside North Korea if Washington launched a pre-emptive strike. But there’s the sticky issue of a Beijing-Pyongyang “friendship, co-operation and assistance” treaty that serves as a de facto military alliance. “Beijing has been thinking about cancelling the treaty for a long time, but it hasn’t done it yet,” says a Chinese specialist on North Korean affairs. Taking into account Pyongyang’s lack of appreciation after the last Korean conflict, it’s little wonder Beijing wants to prevent a repeat performance.

1. 
   The Chinese veterans in North Korea were ...
   

1. 
   shocked by the commemorating ceremony
   
2. 
   flattered by a picture at the headquarters
   
3. 
   impressed by the strength of the Korean army
   
4. 
   angry at the presentation of historical facts
   

2. 
   Recently ...
   

1. 
   North Korea has renewed its nuclear programme
   
2. 
   China has exported more food and fuel to North Korea
   
3. 
   China has asked other countries to influence North Korea
   
4. 
   North Korea has demanded international financial help
   

3. 
   The latest North Korea’s actions have led to ...
   

1. 
   South Korea demanding tougher action towards North Korea
   
2. 
   China increasing its efforts to resolve the North Korean crisis
   
3. 
   China withdrawing its political support for North Korea
   
4. 
   South Korea demanding diplomatic talks with North Korea
   

4. 
   North Korean spies in China became violent when ...
   

1. 
   China stopped tolerating their presence
   
2. 
   China accepted South Korea as a country
   
3. 
   South Koreans started helping refugees
   
4. 
   four North Korean citizens were killed
   

5. 
   According to the text, China’s withdrawal of help for North Korea may ...
   

1. 
   result in international protests
   
2. 
   encourage unwelcome immigration
   
3. 
   increase global political instability
   
4. 
   slow down China’s economy
   

6. 
   Privately, Chinese officials say that if the U.S. intervenes, China would ...
   

1. 
   ignore the treaty with North Korea
   
2. 
   assist North Korea logistically
   
3. 
   cancel the treaty with North Korea
   
4. 
   stick to the treaty with North Korea
   

7. 
   The best title of the text would be …
   

1. 
   Korea – an Ungrateful Friend
   
2. 
   Korea – an International Threat
   
3. 
   Korean Crisis Leads to Emigration
   
4. 
   Korean Peninsula – Another Conflict?
   

The very name Oxford guaranteed this scandal would resonate. Two officials of Pembroke College, one of Oxford's 39 constituent colleges, had to quit last week in disgrace when it emerged they were willing to admit a bright but not outstanding boy whose father was offering to contribute $420,000. Unfortunately for them, the "father" was a reporter for the Sunday Times. Pembroke and Oxford swiftly repudiated their supposedly disobedient officials. All Britain united in condemning the sale of university places. And who could disagree? In modem meritocracies, state-funded universities are supposed to cultivate talent, not incubate the already privileged. All the same, I find myself averse to the neatness of this morality tale.

Its main villain is unconvincing. The college chaplain and former admissions tutor who told the reporter his money would talk, Rev. John Platt, is described by former students as devoted to their welfare and assiduous in touring state schools to encourage applications from bright kids without money. He wasn't seeking a bribe for himself, but worrying about Pembroke – which he cheerfully described as "poor as shit."

Education is noble, but it is a business, too. World-class universities must compete in a world market for top-flight professors, research grants and funds to build labs and support needy students. Oxford and Cambridge have huge advantages over less famous universities, but with the country spending a smaller portion of its GDP on universities than 20 years ago, they too must struggle. Compared to American universities in particular, they are poor and getting relatively poorer. Harvard professors earn 70% more, on average, than their Cambridge counterparts. All U.K. universities put together were able to harvest $414 million from their investments in 2000; the comparable figure for Yale alone this year is $405 million. Oxford is proud that its spin-off companies are collectively worth about $3 billion; graduates of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, had founded over 4,000 companies with revenues of $232 billion. And because Oxford remains a peculiarly federal institution, some colleges have vast holdings while others like Pembroke scrape by.

Where else could Rev. Platt's colleagues scare up a few bucks? Not from the government: for the first time it is now asking students to pay some of their tuition and living costs, so it can free up funds not to lavish on elite schools, but to expand student numbers across the country. Not from increased tuition: the government won't let Oxford charge more than other universities, though many students (and their parents) would certainly pay it. Like other colleges, Pembroke already runs conferences and strives for lucrative foreign students, whom the government requires to pay close to full freight.

What about graduates’ generosity? Here too Oxford is playing catch-up to the U.S. With the government trying to cut off many cultural and educational institutions from state funding, virtually all of them have started to approach the same limited group of donors. But middle-class Brits are a tough sell, because they graduated when government used to cover the whole cost.

My wife attended Somerville College, Oxford, 20 years ago. Then the college didn't ask its graduates for gifts; it didn't even know who they were. There was no list. The principal decided to compile one and, to save money, gave the job to her husband, who labored part-time for several years without benefit of computer or even an electric typewriter. The university shifted to a professional fund-raising operation 15 years ago, but it is still, by American standards, feeble. Last month my wife received a phone call from a Somerville student fund-raiser, a welcome innovation. But the caller seemed embarrassed to ask for $20 a month. Pembroke's last master, Robert Stevens, retired early, largely because the fund-raising burdens were exhausting him. So if Rev. Platt was willing to create an extra place for a student whose entrance exam grades were (according to his "father") two As and one B instead of three As, was that so bad if future Pembrokians would benefit to the tune of $420,000?

Especially when, as any admissions officer will admit over a drink, it is almost impossible to determine who in a pile of reasonably bright 17-year-olds will turn out to be the best student three years from now, let alone manifest the guts and creativity needed for a brilliant career. British students specialize early. They win university places on the basis of three written exams graded by strangers, usually teachers on holiday with a big pile to get through. To claim that the results of this process provide some self-evidently fair and complete measure of potential to excel at university, or in life, is just silly.

1. 
   The scandal broke out after …
   

1. 
   a poor but brilliant student was refused a place at college
   
2. 
   some college officials revealed secrets to the Sunday Times
   
3. 
   a student was promised a place in return for a financial donation
   
4. 
   some Oxford officials were fired for breaking admission procedures
   

2. 
   According to former Pembroke students, Rev. John Platt …
   

1. 
   cared about the well-being of Pembroke College
   
2. 
   looked for ways to make himself more money
   
3. 
   favoured students from rich backgrounds
   
4. 
   talked unfavourably about Pembroke College
   

3. 
   The third paragraph mainly shows that …
   

1. 
   governmental help for British universities is too small
   
2. 
   universities concentrate on making money too much
   
3. 
   good professors are underpaid in British universities
   
4. 
   higher education involves a lot of money-making
   

4. 
   It can be deduced from the fourth paragraph that …
   

1. 
   foreign students pay higher tuition than British students
   
2. 
   some universities receive higher governmental grants
   
3. 
   tuition at Oxford is higher that in other universities
   
4. 
   higher education is too expensive for British students
   

5. 
   The author’s wife’s example shows that…
   

1. 
   it is necessary to complete university documents
   
2. 
   graduates are unwilling to give money
   
3. 
   it is necessary to create professional fund-raising
   
4. 
   fund-raising, although imperfect, has started
   

6. 
   The author’s attitude towards Rev. John Platt could be described as …
   

1. 
   understanding
   
2. 
   critical
   
3. 
   ironic
   
4. 
   thankful
   

7. 
   The author thinks that the secondary-school leaving examinations in Britain …
   

1. 
   give an inaccurate measure of students’ abilities
   
2. 
   successfully reveal students’ potential for a career
   
3. 
   should be conducted by teachers familiar to students
   
4. 
   should be held early enough to let students specialize
   

Yet within days, a new invader arrived in France by popular demand. It was the Logan, a boxy family sedan that Renault conceived as a “world car” to be built in the developing world, for sale in the developing world, at a price as low as €5,000. A founding member of the French industrial elite that has fallen on hard times, Renault saw the Logan as critical to its future, projecting sales of

Produced by Renault’s Romanian subsidiary, Dacia, the Logan looks like an auto that the Soviets might have designed. The car is so bare-bones that Renault promotes headrests as standard features. A radio is optional, and innovations are of the practical type. “The side mirrors are symmetrical on the right and left,” explains a Renault spokesman, “so if your driver’s-side mirror breaks, you can switch them yourself until you get a replacement.” One reason the car was not originally offered in Europe, analysts say, is that it is so cheap, it could cannibalize sales of used Renaults.

When word spread of a roomy, €5,000 five-seater on the Eastern border, however, Renault was accused of “anti-French racism” for not selling Logans at home. Tweaks made to meet European safety standards raised the price to only €7,500 – unthinkable in its class, and with a three-year warranty. The shock announcement at the Paris Auto Show last fall sparked giddy calls to radio talk shows. French press reviews – “not inelegant,” “not vulgar,” “not shameful” – have been unanimously warm. In June, Renault released the Logan in Spain, Germany and France with little fanfare, and in limited numbers. By early August it had logged 9,900 orders in France, Spain and Germany – far outpacing expectations and supply.

Aspiring owners now crowd waitlists several months long. Only 1,000 have been delivered in France, 400 in Germany, and 300 in Spain. Professionals are buying Logans as third cars for their kids or country homes, but the main customers are young people and retirees. Philippe Vigier, 62, was one of France’s first Logan owners. “I’m happy as can be,” says the semi-retiree, whose local dealer had to talk him out of bicycling to Romania to buy the €5,000 model. “It’s perfect, not a flaw. This morning, I filled up and was approached by the gas-station attendant to sell it.”

Schweitzer, who left Renault in April, and is now the chairman of AstraZeneca, made a cause célèbre of building a basic car for emerging markets. He bought Dacia for that purpose in 1999. The Logan was called a Frankenstein car, patched together from other Renault models, with costs minimized at every turn. Production has spread to Russia and Morocco, and by 2007 Renault plans to be making Logans from Brazil to Iran. Indeed Renault has big plans cooking for Iran, which faces possible European Union sanctions for its renegade nuclear-energy program. Renault plans to produce as many as 300,000 Logans a year in the untapped automarket of Iran.

No, resisting globalization won’t be uncomplicated. French unions want Logans bound for Western Europe to be built in France, but even union reps admit they are torn: the foreign-built Logan may steal jobs, but appeals to unionists as budget-conscious consumers. This is “the paradox of the outsourcing debate,” says Nicolas Jabko, a European political economist at Paris think tank CERI. Workers at risk are also consumers with much to gain. Normandy retiree Jack Brunel, 57, confesses a fear of outsourcing jobs, but that’s “the only problem” with the Logan, he says. Brunel ordered his last month – for delivery in June 2006. The cheap world car may not be the ideal vehicle, but for many Europeans, it is destiny. The same is likely true of globalization.

1. 
   The Logan surprised its producers because …
   

1. 
   it has become popular in Western Europe
   
2. 
   the production costs are lower than expected
   
3. 
   the project has turned out very important for Renault
   
4. 
   its sales account for a quarter of Renault’s total income
   

2. 
   Initially, Renault did not offer the Logan in France because …
   

1. 
   the second-hand Renaults’ sales would be at risk
   
2. 
   the company’s profits on sales would be too low
   
3. 
   the Logan’s standard equipment was insufficient
   
4. 
   the Logan’s safety test results were unsatisfactory
   

3. 
   The fourth paragraph is mainly about …
   

1. 
   the criticism Renault company faced
   
2. 
   the Logan’s reception in Western Europe
   
3. 
   the improvements introduced in the Logan
   
4. 
   the advertising campaign launched by Renault
   

4. 
   Philippe Vigier …
   

1. 
   has already bought his car
   
2. 
   is at the top of the wait-list
   
3. 
   will buy his car in Romania
   
4. 
   has decided to sell his Logan
   

5. 
   According to the text, the production of Renault’s Logan may be threatened in …
   

1. 
   Iran
   
2. 
   Brazil
   
3. 
   Russia
   
4. 
   Morocco
   

6. 
   According to Jack Brunel, the only problem with the Logan is …
   

1. 
   its long delivery time from abroad
   
2. 
   the opposition of the French trade unions
   
3. 
   its effect on the French job market
   
4. 
   the growing number of cheap workers
   

7. 
   The main idea of the text is that …
   

1. 
   there is no escape from globalisation
   
2. 
   French fears of foreign influence are justified
   
3. 
   antiglobalistic attitudes affect consumers’ choices
   
4. 
   the Eastern and Western Europe have different tastes
   

I don’t see how Iraq’s insurgency can win. It lacks the support of at least 80 percent of the country (Shiites and Kurds) and by all accounts lacks the support of the majority of the Sunni population as well. It has no positive agenda, no charismatic leader, virtually no territory of its own, and no great power suppliers. That’s why parallels to Vietnam don’t make sense. But despite all these obstacles, the insurgents launched 700 attacks against U.S. forces last month, the highest number since the invasion. They are getting more sophisticated, now using shaped charges, which concentrate the blast of a bomb, and infrared lasers, which cannot be easily jammed. They kill enough civilians every week that Iraq remains insecure, and electricity and water are still supplied in starts and stops. That’s where things stand in Iraq – it’s a conflict the United States cannot easily lose but also cannot easily win.

The positive picture, however, is worth painting. Iraq has had successful elections, a new legitimate government, Sunnis included into the political process, and is working on a new constitution. The insurgents’ attacks on ordinary Iraqis are having the predictable effect of making them lose popular support. When I was in Iraq recently, several Iraqis (all Sunnis) told me that they were losing respect for and patience with the insurgents. And finally, Iraqi politicians have been more mature and consistent than one could have ever hoped for – making compromises, arriving at consensus and moving forward under tremendous personal danger.

What I worry about is not a defeat along the lines of Vietnam. It is something different. Last month’s leaked CIA report, which described Iraq as the new on-the-ground training center for Islamic extremists, points to the real danger. If the insurgents keep up their attacks, prevent the country’s reconstruction and continue to attract jihadists to Iraq from all over the world and if these jihadists acquire new skills in the streets and back alleys of Iraq and then return to their countries, it could mark the beginning of a new wave of sophisticated terror. Just as Al Qaeda was born in the killing fields of Afghanistan, new groups could grow in the back alleys of Iraq.

Additionally, by the fall of 2006, it will be virtually impossible to maintain current troop levels in Iraq because the use of reserve forces will have been stretched to the limit. That’s when pressure to bring the boys home will become irresistible. And that would be bad news for the Iraqi government, which is still extremely weak and in many areas dysfunctional.

The good news is that America has stopped blundering in Iraq. After two and a half years of errors, since late 2004, Washington has been urging political inclusion, speeding up economic reconstruction and building up local forces. But U.S. policy still lacks central direction – and the energy, vision, increased resources and push that such direction would bring. Who is running Iraq policy in Washington? The intense and bitter interagency arguments of the past three years – and the disastrous mistakes made by the Defense Department and the Coalition Provisional Authority – have left Iraq something of an orphan. Day to day, Iraq policy is now run by the State Department and the U.S. Army, but those two chains of command never meet.

On the civilian side, for example, the American effort is massively understaffed. Several Army officers in Iraq told me that their jobs would be greatly improved if they had more people from the State Department, USAID and other civilian agencies. One said to me last year, “I’ve had 25-year-old sergeants adjudicating claims between Turkomans and Kurds, when they don’t really know how they are different. We could use political officers who could brief them.”

The vacuum is being filled by the U.S. Army, which has been building bridges and schools, securing neighborhoods and power plants and, yes, adjudicating claims between Turkomans and Kurds. It is doing these things because someone has to. Secretary Rumsfeld has long argued that American troops should never engage in nation building, leaving that to locals. But while we waited for Iraqis to do it, chaos broke out and terror reigned. So the Army on the ground has shrugged off Rumsfeld’s ideology and has simply made things work. But if we want to move beyond coping, we need a full-scale revitalization of Iraq policy, with resources to match it.

1. 
   The Iraqi insurgents …
   

1. 
   are like those in Vietnam
   
2. 
   are becoming more insecure
   
3. 
   are getting more support
   
4. 
   are getting better weapons
   

2. 
   The situation in Iraq looks more positive because of …
   

1. 
   the introduction of the constitution
   
2. 
   the increasing support for the Sunnis
   
3. 
   the Iraqi politicians’ transformation
   
4. 
   the growing security in the country
   

3. 
   The writer’s biggest concern about Iraq’s insurgency is that …
   

1. 
   it can turn into a conflict like in Vietnam
   
2. 
   it prevents the country’s economic renewal
   
3. 
   it can lead to a rise of new terrorist groups
   
4. 
   it attracts terrorists from all over the world
   

4. 
   According to the text, the bad news for the Iraqi government will be …
   

1. 
   the decrease in the number of Iraqi troops
   
2. 
   the increasing number of American reservists
   
3. 
   the reduction of the American troops
   
4. 
   the deepening dissatisfaction of its nation
   

5. 
   In Iraq, the United States is still making a mistake of …
   

1. 
   not having proper centralized command
   
2. 
   not co-operating well with the Iraqi local forces
   
3. 
   not working on Iraq’s economic development
   
4. 
   not letting the Defense Department shape the policy
   

6. 
   According to the American officers, in Iraq …
   

1. 
   more civilian personnel should be deployed
   
2. 
   civilian-military co-operation should be closer
   
3. 
   NCOs should receive better military training
   
4. 
   civilian agencies should improve their work
   

7. 
   The last paragraph says that Rumsfeld’s policy in Iraq …
   

1. 
   was ignored by the U.S. troops
   
2. 
   should be followed in the future
   
3. 
   enjoyed the Iraqis’ full support
   
4. 
   caused a new wave of terrorism
   

Nowhere is that choice more stark than in Africa. Earlier this month, authorities uncovered a large bird-flu outbreak on several poultry farms in northern Nigeria, the first time H5N1 has been found on the continent; more than 140,000 chickens have so far died from the virus or been culled. Though no human cases have been discovered yet, the news that the outbreak had gone undetected for up to a month raises concerns that the virus may already be spreading under the radar to other parts of the continent. Africa has an estimated poultry population of 1.1 billion birds, many of them sharing living space with people – the same epidemiological powder keg that enabled bird flu to cause so much damage in much of Southeast Asia. Avian-flu experts see impoverished Africa, with its inefficient governments and millions of immuno-compromised HIV infectees, as a perfect breeding ground for a pandemic.

Yet the sheer number and severity of Africa’s ills puts bird flu in perspective. Medical resources in Africa are cruelly finite – death tolls rise and fall according to how well those resources are allocated. Africa has no shortage of candidates to compete for funds: an estimated 6,600 Africans die of AIDS every day, 3,000 die of malaria, 24,000 of hunger and poverty. As long as bird flu primarily remains a threat to birds, it just doesn’t compare with these everyday scourges. Even South Africa, the nation best equipped to respond to bird flu, faces “a lot of other health issues” competing for resources, says Dr. Lucille Blumberg, head of the epidemiology and outbreak unit at the National Institute for Communicable Diseases. Referring to AIDS, she notes: “We already have an epidemic here that’s killing hundreds of people a day.” A spokesperson for the World Health Organization’s Roll Back Malaria program points out that while the need for malaria funding tops $3 billion every year, only $600 million was available in 2005. International donors need to be very sure that they aren’t robbing from other health programs to pay for bird-flu measures.

This does not mean the world should neglect to take reasonable steps to fight bird flu – a pandemic could become the greatest health catastrophe the modern world has ever faced. Avian flu is already beginning to cause real economic pain. When infected wild birds were detected last week in European countries, poultry sales across the continent fell steeply. But a handful of dead swans on the Danube and a bad quarter for chicken sellers in Rome isn’t why we’re spending billions to fight bird flu. We want to stop the big one. A report released last week by an Australian think tank reminded us just how big that might be. The Lowy Institute estimated that a worst-case pandemic, one even deadlier than the 1918 Spanish Flu, could kill up to 142 million people and ruin economies of the poorest countries.

1. 
   The danger of bird flu stressed in the first paragraph is …
   

1. 
   the increasing cost of its prevention
   
2. 
   the range of the spread of the disease
   
3. 
   the shortage of funds for other diseases
   
4. 
   the growing vulnerability of Europeans
   

2. 
   The latest concern in Africa is …
   

1. 
   the spread of famine due to bird culling
   
2. 
   mass bird killing on many poultry farms
   
3. 
   the suspicion of uncontrolled virus spread
   
4. 
   the detection of a new type of bird-flu virus
   

3. 
   Similarly to Asians, Africans are prone to bird flu because of …
   

1. 
   direct contact with infected birds
   
2. 
   growing poverty of inhabitants
   
3. 
   lack of action of governments
   
4. 
   many cases of HIV infection
   

4. 
   According to the writer, the donors’ priority should be …
   

1. 
   fighting the spread of bird flu
   
2. 
   providing more food help
   
3. 
   allocating money properly
   
4. 
   focusing on other health issues
   

5. 
   The main reason for world struggle against avian flu is the danger of …
   

1. 
   global economy crisis
   
2. 
   extinction of many birds
   
3. 
   predicted human losses
   
4. 
   poultry market collapse
   

6. 
   If a pandemic breaks out …
   

1. 
   better medical equipment will be needed
   
2. 
   difficult decisions will have to be made
   
3. 
   only the worst flu cases will be treated
   
4. 
   medical health systems will be shattered
   

7. 
   The best title of the article is …
   

1. 
   The Deadly Side Effects of Bird Flu
   
2. 
   Europe – New Powder Keg of Avian Flu
   
3. 
   New Pandemic – How to Stop It?!
   
4. 
   Beaten by Avian Flu
   

Frenchman Christian Blanc has spent his career doing what most people try to avoid: finding tough but necessary solutions to explosive problems. As chief government negotiator in New Caledonia, Blanc brokered a peace accord that ended years of bloody separatist violence. Later, as head of the Paris public-transport authority, he battled unruly unions and a waffling Socialist government to end an era of incessant, paralyzing strikes. As president of Air France, Blanc brought the airline from the brink of bankruptcy to profitability. Now, in a move that could culminate in a presidential bid later this year, Blanc, 59, has targeted his biggest challenge yet: France's enormous administrative and governmental structure.

Last week, in the western city of Nantes, Blanc sounded his call for a "legal revolution" to "reverse France's decline and release its shackled potentials" by reducing the size, cost, and intrusiveness of the French state in daily life and business. Blanc also argues that electing more ordinary citizens to office and a greater decentralization of power to regional and local authorities would provide fresh, innovative thinking for a country currently dominated by a "close-minded political elite" and a "cult of the all-powerful state." His immediate goal is to make his radical re- form program an issue of wider public debate, but he acknowledges initial success with that would oblige him to run in presidential elections.

Inciting reformist revolution remains a long shot − one the dedicated father of two daughters must also balance with his day job as president of Merrill Lynch France. Complicating his task is the domination of established parties in French political life − a monopoly the independent Blanc will seek to break backed by an association of disparate supporters. Blanc will also rely on his usual mix of hard work, determination − and occasional astonishing luck. In 1994, as he negotiated with hijackers of an Air France plane, Blanc narrowly missed being shot when the terrorists sprayed his jet with gunfire. He hopes his good fortune in 2002 will mean renewed triumph, and not narrow misses.

1. 
   Blanc’s latest plan is to ...
   

1. 
   rescue Air France form bankruptcy
   
2. 
   confront state bureaucracy
   
3. 
   prevent strikes in public transport
   
4. 
   end violence in New Caledonia
   

2. 
   If his ideas become widely known, Blanc will ...
   

1. 
   try for the presidency
   
2. 
   lose his job
   
3. 
   leave politics
   
4. 
   lose public support
   

3. 
   His chances of political success may be limited because ...
   

1. 
   there have been attempts on his life
   
2. 
   he has repeated bad luck
   
3. 
   his supporters show little enthusiasm
   
4. 
   he doesn’t lead a party
   

What to make of events in South Asia? Well, after landing in New Delhi recently, I went straight to a dinner with some of India’s best strategic analysts to straighten things out in my mind. One of them looked at the tense standoff between India and Pakistan – both armies fully mobilized, new terrorist attacks and, one could now add, last week's Indian missile test – and concluded that "war was inevitable." Another pointed to India's tough approach since the assault on its Parliament; Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf's boldness and America's new engagement, and concluded that things were moving toward a genuine rapprochement and that "peace was inevitable."

Actually, despite all the contradictory signs, most likely there will be neither real war nor real peace between India and Pakistan. The South Asian cold war will continue. India has limited military options irrespective of whether the nuclear stakes have made both sides hesitate before taking military action or not. It could destroy terrorist-training camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, but they are mostly empty tents that could be rebuilt within days.

Musharraf's recent decisions have been bold – and dangerous. The Pakistani Army and intelligence service have had only two foreign-policy "successes" in a generation: the installation of a friendly regime in Afghanistan (the Taliban) and cross-border terrorism in Kashmir, which at low cost has bled India. In the past four months Musharraf has declared that he is turning his back on both. Add to this his plans to weed out Islamic fundamentalists from schools and universities, and you have a man who has taken on many powerful enemies simultaneously.

1. 
   The Indian analysts …
   

1. 
   agreed there would soon be war
   
2. 
   thought peace was unavoidable
   
3. 
   said America would be engaged soon
   
4. 
   had different views on the future
   

2. 
   India won’t destroy training camps in Pakistan because …
   

1. 
   it is afraid of nuclear retaliation
   
2. 
   it has limited resources
   
3. 
   there isn’t much to bomb
   
4. 
   there are too many of them
   

3. 
   The author thinks that Musharaf’s policy is dangerous because he …
   

1. 
   plans to deny education to Fundamentalists
   
2. 
   has rejected military’s achievements
   
3. 
   has made too many enemies at the same time
   
4. 
   has turned his back on the intelligence service
   

4. 
   According to the text, to improve relations with Pakistan over Kashmir India should …
   

1. 
   give the province more freedom
   
2. 
   dismiss local authorities
   
3. 
   withdraw the military from the region
   
4. 
   hold elections in the province
   

• 
  Listening
  

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  Listening
  

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  Listening
  
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  Listening