Przykładowe Materiały Egzaminacyjne JĘzyk angielski poziom 3 Czytanie



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Listening 43

Burma’s decision to defer its turn as head of the association of Sough East Asian Nations, or ASEAN , next year ends a period of awkwardness for the regional group which has been divided about how best to address the issue. Our Asia analyst, Joe McGivery, looks at the dilemma ASEAN faced and the effectiveness of growing pressure on Burma’s military regime.



For many months disagreement about Burma’s chairmanship has put ASEAN’s harmony under strain. Some senior officials such as Singapore’s foreign minister started weeks ago to plant the seeds of a solution by saying publicly they expected Burma to volunteer to forgo its turn. That seemed a way of spearing Rangoon humiliation whilst helping ASEAN out of an awkward dilemma. Traditionally, ASEAN always prided itself on being pragmatic not interfering in its member political affairs and arguing that economic engagement not boycott was the route to change. New members like Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos seemed eager for that principle of non-interference to be applied in this case, too, seeing it as an undesirable precedent. In fact, ASEAN’s ability to stay apolitical has increasingly been challenged as key members have become maturing democracies themselves and ASEAN’s formal ties with outside groups have grown in importance. The U.S. and E.E.U. had both threatened to boycott meetings next year if Burma took the chair. But to some ASIEN’s decision shows a lack of consistency. On the one hand, its rejection of Rangoon as a suitable chair is an implicit censor of its human rights record. On the other hand, Burma’s military regime is surviving thanks, in part, to its strong trade with South-East Asian nations as well as China which continue to undermine the economic sanctions imposed by the West.

Listening 44
Children in a British primary school, just at the age when they start learning to read. Most of them will learn fairly easily, but a significant minority will struggle. Not because they’re stupid, but because they have dyslexia. The condition means it’s hard for them to make connections between the way words look and how they sound. Until very recently, most of the research looking into the causes of dyslexia has been done in North America and Europe, on children whose native tongue is English or other alphabet-based languages such as French or Spanish. And this body of evidence suggested that an underlying malfunction in one particular part of the brain was to blame, no matter what the language the reader. But a new study published in the journal Nature shows that things aren’t quite so simple. Doctor Lee Hi Taan and his team at the University of Hong Kong performed brain imaging scans on both dyslexic and non-dyslexic children whose mother tongue is Mandarin Chinese. The school children were asked to read texts written in Chinese characters while the scientists watched their brains working. Guenothe Eden also investigates the brain areas involved in dyslexia at Gorge Town University in Washington DC, and she’s intrigued by these new findings on dyslexia in Chinese.

  • The areas in the brain that differed between the Chinese dyslexic compared to the non-dyslexic children were in the front of the brain, which is a surprising finding because in English and other languages that use the Roman alphabet the finding has been somewhat different and focused really on the back of the brain. What’s so interesting about this paper is that it is in part a confirmation with an interesting twist, and that is that we’ve known for some time now that the reason some children struggle in learning to read is because some of the differences in their brains which they probably likely have due to genetic differences as well. But what we’ve learned from this paper is that in the Chinese language which uses different written representation the biological basis is quite different from what’s been observed in English speaking dyslexics.

  • So, would a child who is dyslexic in Chinese also be dyslexic in English?

  • Well, that’s, of course, an interesting problem. There is the case report of a boy who grew up in Japan being a Japanese and an English speaker who only had dyslexia in English but not in Japanese, and the conclusion was that it was the differences in the writing systems that induced only dyslexia, so to speak, in English, whereas he was resistant to having dyslexia in Japanese. I think we need many more studies of, than one case report, to really understand this.

  • What’s the practical importance for children in China and Chinese populations elsewhere? After all, China itself is the most populous country in the world.

  • Well, I think these results are extremely important for treatment of the children in China who have dyslexia, because you have to understand what the underlying deficits are to really come up with the best treatment approach. And, obviously, in Chinese, we need to know much more about the detailed deficits before an appropriate intervention can be devised. But even more important is that we know, I am sure that this is something that will translate into other languages and other writing systems, that if the intervention is offered early on when, the child is younger, that it tends to be more successful. And therefore, if we know exactly what to look for in a Chinese dyslexic and we can uncover them when they’re six or younger, we can go much further in helping them than if we wait until they’re in third of fourth grade.

Guenothe Eden on the all-important issue of timing.

Listening 45
An outspoken aid to Russian president, Vladimir Putin, has offered his resignation. In a typical outburst last December, Andriej Ilationov broke ranks to criticize the false sale of the oil giant Jukos. For such outspokenness he was stripped of most of his duties. Now he’s announced he’s leaving his job as economic affairs advisor because he’s no longer able to express his opinions publicly. I asked our Moscow correspondent, Steven Rosenberg, if Mr Ilarionow any longer exercised any influence over government policy.

  • No, I don’t think he had much influence at all really. I mean, on his business card it may have said ‘advisor to the Russian president’ but in reality he didn’t influence the day-to-day economic policies. He’d become something of a maverick. He was the most vocal critic of the Kremlin within the Kremlin, and he didn’t mind attacking the government policy, president Putin as well, a year ago. He was very strong in his criticism to the Russian authorities’ pressure on the oil giant Jukos, and said that that was the scam of the year. He was punished for that not by sacking but had some of his duties taken away from him including his role as Russia’s G8 representative. But, amazingly, when everyone expected him to be sacked or for him to resign a year ago he stayed on. Any only now, one year later, has he decided that he can’t do any more to influence government policy and he’s decided to go.




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