2AC AT Solvency #1—Diplomacy Fails
They say Diplomacy fails, but
[GIVE :05 SUMMARY OF OPPONENT’S SINGLE ARGUMENT]
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Extend our Mendis and Wang evidence.
[PUT IN YOUR AUTHOR’S NAME]
It’s much better than their Li and Yanzhuo evidence because: [PUT IN THEIR AUTHOR’S NAME]
[CIRCLE ONE OR MORE OF THE FOLLOWING OPTIONS]:
(it’s newer) (the author is more qualified) (it has more facts)
(their evidence is not logical/contradicts itself) (history proves it to be true)
(their evidence has no facts) (Their author is biased) (it takes into account their argument)
(our evidence is more specific) (their evidence supports our argument)
[WRITE IN YOUR OWN!]
[EXPLAIN HOW YOUR OPTION IS TRUE BELOW]
The Mendis and Wang evidence offers many facts about economic benefits of the plan and how a BIT would fit into Chinese self-interest. Their evidence is about the US and diplomacy. Our plan cooperates economically and gives China something it wants.
[EXPLAIN WHY YOUR OPTION MATTERS BELOW]
This matters because:
We can solve our entire case through economic diplomacy and thus can access our impacts.
Strong economic relations with Asia are key to global prosperity and security
US Department of State, 2015 [Charles Rivkin, assistant secretary of state, Rivkin leads a bureau at the U.S. State Department that is responsible for managing trade negotiations, investment treaties, economic sanctions, transportation affairs, telecommunications policy, international finance and development related issues, as well as intellectual property right protection, “Advancing U.S. Economic Engagement in Asia”, May 14, http://www.state.gov/e/eb/rls/rm/2015/242411.htm]
Asia and the broader Asia-Pacific is a diverse and vibrant region that is full of potential for the U.S. economy. Economic growth in the region has lifted millions out of poverty, and the region includes some of the fastest growing economies on the planet. East Asia and the Pacific is home to more than one-third of the world’s population, a growing percentage of which is middle-class, and many nations there now enjoy democratic forms of government. These are all reasons why this Administration is committed to advancing our economic engagement with Asia. Our commitment to the region is deep, enduring, and expanding, covering many more issues and programs than we are able to fully discuss today. Our bilateral trade in goods and services is at an all-time high, reaching over $1.4 trillion in 2013. U.S. businesses remain the largest source of foreign investment in East Asia and the Pacific. We also provide hundreds of millions of dollars in assistance each year to developing East Asia, training thousands of officials on issues vital to our interests such as trade facilitation, financial regulation, energy efficiency, environmental governance and resources management, and disaster preparedness. Our Vision for the Asia-Pacific Region. The United States has a strong commitment to promoting Asia’s economic growth and prosperity. The reason for these efforts is obvious. A prosperous Asia will not only be more peaceful – it will create greater opportunities for the United States to benefit. We are a leading trader and investor in the Asia-Pacific, and this supports high-paying jobs and raises incomes here at home. The Obama Administration is focused on increasing economic opportunities in the region, for ourselves and for others. Through our engagement, we aim to build a system for Asia-Pacific trade and investment that is open, free, transparent, and fair. Open to all comers, from both inside and outside the region. Free from unwarranted at-the-border or behind-the-border barriers to international economic activity. Transparent – so that all players can understand the rules. And fair – so that no entities have any improper advantage, whether based on ownership, political relationships, or any other advantages.
US-Chinese trade solves conflict—multiple historical examples
Mendis and Wang, May 2016 [Patrick and Joey, Mendis is a Rajawali senior fellow of the Kennedy School of Government’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard University and Wang is a defense analyst and a graduate of the Naval War College, the National Defense University, and the Harvard Kennedy School, “Who Can Contain China When U.S. Policy Fails?”, May 1, http://www.theglobalist.com/who-can-contain-china-when-united-states-policy-fails/]
MAD doctrine versus MAP doctrine If Washington really wants peace and prosperity in the region, words must be matched by deeds. Cold War mindsets like “mutually assured destruction” (MAD) with that of escalating nuclear armament doesn’t work in the more complex Sino-American relationship. Indeed, historically, the Chinese experience with the United States from the start has more often been a case of economic engagement that worked toward “mutually assured prosperity” (MAP). This commercial relationship is far older than Deng Xiaoping’s opening to the West. In 1784, the American ship Empress of China – built for privateering but converted for commerce when the Revolutionary War ended in 1783 – set sail for China. Turning swords into ploughshares, the Empress of China made its maiden voyage from New York Harbor to Canton (Guangzhou) with a cargo of Spanish dollars, ginseng, furs, lead and wine. The ship returned home in May 1785, bearing Chinese tea, silk and porcelain. The seaports of the new American nation, from Boston to Charleston, could now trade not just with Europe, but directly with China. That led to a rich, coastal commercial civilization in the emerging republic. This mutually enriching commercial intercourse continued until Britain’s Opium Wars, the Civil War, and the Taiping Rebellion – all of which shattered China’s status as the premiere economy in the world. Then both nations turned inward between the two World Wars and during the Cold War.
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