Russia’s Strategy in the Arctic: Cooperation, not confrontation
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Sikkerhetspolitiske utfordringer i nordområdene, by Tormod Heier and Anders Olav (red.) Kjølberg, 71-84. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 2015. 1 Parts of this paper draws on my previously published report: (Staun, Russia's Arctic Strategy 2015) 2 No rule without exceptions, see for example (Laruelle, Russia's narrative on the Arctic - from patriotic rhetoric to the Arctic 'brand' 2011) (Laruelle, Larger, Higher, Farther North ... Geographical Metanarratives of the Nation in Russia 2012) (Laruelle, Resource, State Reassertion and International Recognition: Locating the Drivers of Russia’s Arctic Policy 2014) (Berzina, Foreign and Domestic Discourse on the Russian Arctic 2015) 3 Whether behind these two ways of discussing Russia’s policy in the Arctic (and the world), which I categorize as IR realism/geopolitical and IR liberalism respectively, there are underlying forms of discourse is a topic outside of this article’s focus. But the discourses could well be thought to be close to the centuries-old debate about Russia’s relation to the West, above all the debate between Zapadniki (Westernizers) and Slavophiles. See, for example, (Neumann 1996). 4 With the concept IR-realism is here meant both neorealism and realism (also called classic realism), understood as the two schools within international political theory that are characterized by (amongst others) the theorists Kenneth Waltz (neorealism) and Henry Morgenthau (realism). See (Waltz 1979) (Morgenthau 1948). With the concept geopolitics is meant views upon international relations in the style of for example (Mackinder 1904), as well as the views of Russian geopoliticians like Alexander Dugin and Alexander Prokhanov, who, to a large extent, are inspired by the pre-war German geopolitical tradition of Karl Haushofer, Carl Schmitt and Rudolf Kjellén. 5 With the term IR-liberalism, what is meant is the school within international relations that is called liberalism, idealism or utopianism (the last especially by critics) as well as more modern versions such as liberal institutionalism. See ssessed in Ukraine.meant views upon international relations in e appears to be the conflict in Ukraine. (Jackson og Sørensen 2007)(Wæver, Introduktion til Studiet af International Politik 1992) ssessed in Ukraine.meant views upon international relations in e appears to be the conflict in Ukraine. 6 We do, however, not have access to the non-public parts of Russia’s policy on the Arctic, such as for example parts of the new Russian military doctrine. 7 Textual and discourse analysis comes in many versions. I have mainly found inspiration in (Wæver, Securitization and Desecuritization 1993), Ludwig Wittgenstein (Wittgenstein 1989) (L. Wittgenstein 1984) (L. Wittgenstein 1958), Roland Barthes (Barthes 1972) and George Lakoff & Mark Johnson. (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). See for example: (Staun, Mellem kantiansk patriotisme og politisk romantik. Det tyske stats- og nationsbegreb i to århundreder (Between kantian patriotism and political romanticism. The German concept of state and nation during to centuries. 2002) 8 An example of one such media event, which, I presume, was intended for internal audiences, but ended up having a large effect on foreign audiences, was the Russian expedition flag-planting event on the North Pole seabed in August 2007, see below. 9 Another linked and important subject I leave to others to discuss is the question whether the foreign policy of authoritarian states is more or less stable than the foreign policy of democratic states. For two interesting views on this, see (Marten 2015) (Umland 2014). In the case of Russia’s Arctic policy, I may contribute to that discussion, arguing that Russia’s policy is characterized by a high degree of stability and predictability. 10 According to Mark Galeotti and Ben Judah (Galeotti og Judah, The Power Vertical Podcast 2014) the inner circle up to, during (and possibly sometime after) the annexation of Crimea was made up of Putin’s old friend and faithful follower, the ex-KGB man, Chairman of the Board of the state oil company Rosneft Igor Sechin; the now former Chief of Russian Railways and old friend of Putin, Vladimir Yakunin; former Minister of Defence and current Chief of the Presidential Administration Sergei Ivanov; the Chief of the Federal Anti-Narcotics bureau, Viktor Ivanov – who is now apparently also out in the cold (Fishman 2016); Secretary of the National Security Council, Nikolai Patrushev; Chairman of the board of Bank Rossiya, Yuri Kovalchuk; Putin’s old friend and judo trainer Arkady Rotenberg; Russian-Finnish businessman, Gennady Timchenko, allegedly Putin’s main money-man; and the Chief of FSB, Alexander Bortnikov. In addition, Putin had frequent meetings with the Kremlin’s court propagandist, the chief of the Kremlin’s new news organization Rossiya Segodnya, Dmitry Kiselyov, and with the military chiefs in the General Staff, including the Chief of the General Staff, General Valery Gerasimov, and most likely also Minister of Defence Sergei Shoigu. According to Judah, it is noteworthy that none of the old liberal technocratic forces such as former Minister of Finance Alexei Kudrin or Minister of Economics and Trade, German Gref, was a part of the inner circle before or during (and some time after) the annexation of Crimea, indeed, not even Prime Minister Medvedev nor Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. (Galeotti, Free Sergei Lavrov! 2016) 11 The Russian National Security Council’s permanent members include the President, the Prime Minister, the Defence Minister, the Foreign Minister and the Interior Minister as well as the director of FSB. As Mark Galeotti sees it, the Security Council is mainly a consultative organ than a real decision making body: It is ”a managerial forum that hears reports, announces decisions, and resolves technical questions over coordination and jurisdiction” (Galeotti, Putin's Hydra: Inside Russia's Intelligence Services 2016) 12 The concept “great power normalization” refers to Andrei Tsygankov’s concept “Great power Normalizers” (Tsygankov 2007) and has great similarity with the concept neo-imperialism, which I have previously used to characterize the Russian foreign policy thinking. (Staun, Siloviki versus Liberal Technocrats: The Fight for Russia and its Foreign Policy 2007) (Staun, Ruslands udenrigspolitik: Fra Jeltsins versternisering til Putins nyimperialisme (Russia’s Foreign Policy: From Yeltsin’s Westernization to Putin’s Neo-Imperialism 2008). The neo-imperialist concept, however, has, at times had an unfortunate ring to it in the public, in which there has been greater emphasis on “imperialism” than the prefix “neo”, which is why I, at times, use the concept “great power normalization”, in full knowledge that great powers far from always act the same – compare, for example, today’s Germany and today’s Russia. Directory: papers papers -> From Warfighters to Crimefighters: The Origins of Domestic Police Militarization papers -> The Tragedy of Overfishing and Possible Solutions Stephanie Bellotti papers -> Prospects for Basic Income in Developing Countries: a comparative Analysis of Welfare Regimes in the South papers -> Weather regime transitions and the interannual variability of the North Atlantic Oscillation. Part I: a likely connection papers -> Fast Truncated Multiplication for Cryptographic Applications papers -> Reflections on the Industrial Revolution in Britain: William Blake and J. M. W. Turner papers -> This is the first tpb on this product papers -> Basic aspects of hurricanes for technology faculty in the United States papers -> Title Software based Remote Attestation: measuring integrity of user applications and kernels Authors Download 158.45 Kb. Share with your friends:
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