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Impact – Weaponziation Causes War



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Impact – Weaponziation Causes War



[____]
[____] Any weaponization of space or attacks triggers broader conflict and makes space uninhabitable.
Michael Krepon et al, co-founder of the Henry L. Stimson Center, former Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 6/21/2007, Theresa Hitchens, Michael Katz-Hyman, Preserving Freedom of Action in Space: Realizing the Potential and Limits of U.S. Spacepower,”
While some have compared space to another "global commons," the high seas, we believe this analogy to be deeply flawed. Warships provide backup for sea-based commerce, but they are essentially instruments of warfighting. Satellites, on the other hand, usually serve multiple purposes in both military and nonmilitary domains. A ship damaged in combat can seek safety and repairs at a friendly port. The debris from combat at sea sinks and rarely constitutes a lingering hazard. Defensive measures are easier to undertake at sea than in space. If space weapons are deployed and used, no nation can expect there to be safe havens in space. And if the most indiscriminate means of space warfare are employed, debris will become a long-lasting hazard to military and nonmilitary satellite operations. All countries would be victimized if a new precedent is set and satellites are attacked in a crisis or in warfare. As the preeminent space power, the United States has the most to lose if space were to become a shooting gallery. The best offense can serve as an effective defense in combat at sea, but this nostrum does not apply in space, since essential satellites remain extremely vulnerable to rudimentary forms of attack. The introduction of dedicated and deployed weapons in space by one nation would be followed by others that feel threatened by such actions. The first attack against a satellite in crisis or warfare is therefore unlikely to be a stand-alone event, and nations may choose different rules of engagement for space warfare and different means of attack once this threshold has been crossed. Our analysis thus leads to the conclusion that the introduction and repeated flight-testing of dedicated ASAT weapons would greatly subtract from U.S. spacepower, placing at greater risk the military, commercial, civil, and lifesaving benefits that satellites provide. Instead, we propose that the United States seek to avoid further flight testing of ASATs while hedging against hostile acts by other spacefaring nations.

Impact – Weaponization Kills Relations



[____] Attempts at space weaponization will severely impact relations with Russia and China.
Michael Krepon, founding president of the Henry L. Stimson Center, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, previously worked at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 2003, http://www.stimson.org/pubs.cfm?ID=81

The likely consequences of a dynamic, but uneven, space warfare competition are not hard to envision. Potential adversaries are likely to perceive American initiatives to weaponize space as adjuncts to a U.S. military doctrine of preemption and preventive war. Depending on the scope and nature of U.S. space warfare preparations, they could also add to Chinese and Russian concerns over the viability of their nuclear deterrents. U.S. initiatives to extend military dominance into space are therefore likely to raise tensions and impact negatively on U.S.-China and U.S.-Russia relations at a time when bilateral relations have some promising, but tenuous, elements. Cooperative relations with both countries will be needed to successfully combat proliferation, but Moscow and Beijing are unlikely to tender such cooperation if they perceive that U.S. strategic objectives include the negation of their deterrents. Under these circumstances, proliferation of weapons in space would be accompanied by terrestrial proliferation.


[____] Attempts to dominate space will alienate our allies and other powers, like Russia and China.
Michael Krepon, founding president of the Henry L. Stimson Center, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, previously worked at at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 2003, http://www.stimson.org/pubs.cfm?ID=81

U.S. initiatives to “seize” the high ground of space are likely to be countered by asymmetric and unconventional warfare strategies carried out by far weaker states—in space and to a greater extent on Earth. In addition, U.S. initiatives associated with space dominance would likely alienate longstanding allies, as well as China and Russia, whose assistance is required to effectively counter terrorism and proliferation, the two most pressing national security concerns of this decade. No U.S. ally has expressed support for space warfare initiatives. To the contrary, U.S. initiatives to weaponize space would likely corrode bilateral relations and coalition-building efforts. Instead, the initiation of preemptive or preventive warfare in space by the United States based on assertions of an imminent threat—or a threat that cannot be ameliorated in other ways—is likely to be met with deep and widespread skepticism abroad.



[____] Relations with Russia and China solve war.
Ted Galen Capenter, Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, 11/14/2002, Asia Times, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/DK14Ad01.html


The triangular relationship involving Russia, China and the United States is critically important. If the strategic triangle is managed properly, the danger of a great-power war in the coming decades will be virtually eliminated. If managed improperly, the 21st century could proceed down the same violent path as the 20th century. Much will depend on the wisdom of US policy.





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