Shih-Hao Kang a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology
Russia’s organised labour under fragile prospect
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6.3 Russia’s organised labour under fragile prospectThe case studies of the two meaningful Russian workers’ groups provide a useful lesson for us to examine those recently emerged labour conflicts across the country. Initially, it could be seen that when a union’s status has been weakened by the divisions within their workplace, the activities of union organisations would be the only practical force to articulate their fragmented membership. Those arguments (found in the works of Mandel, Buzgalin and Maksimov mentioned in Chapter One, suggesting that Russian workers are ready to take part in actions but lack effective unions for the leading role), would focus on the weakness of FNPR and put forward the reform of union leadership as a solution for weak collective action. However, these arguments could easily come to over-abstract conclusions that ignore the actual relations among collective, union organisation and leadership on the ground. Any overestimation of the content and the role of ‘agency’ in such arguments underpins a critical prejudice in the analyses of collective-union relations. The matter is not simply to expect the workers and their unions to give up their dependent attitude or develop a grassroots-oriented mobilisation method. The obstacle of workplace fragmentation has also substantially confined those organised workers to a ‘stage’ on their own without mutual connections. The gap between recognising the possibility of developing a common interest and perceiving the weakness of that commonality, evidently, characterises the apparent limits of the workers’ capacity for collective empowerment. The individual factors of either union strategy or resources evident in this research help to illustrate that these factors could indeed improve the strength of the union organisation, but their impact would still be greatly restrained by these workplace relations. The case studies clarify that neither subjective nor objective conditions are sufficient to create an effective workers’ organisation. Both the dockers and the railway workers have the subjective workplace conditions (dedicated activists), but the railway workers have unfavourable objective conditions. The limitations of the dockers’ organisation demonstrate that even in this case the favourable objective conditions are not sufficient to guarantee a completely successful outcome. Such a conclusion indicates that the specific origin of such a complex disjuncture within Russian labour relations needs to be taken into account, and we cannot ignore the legacy of alienated collectivism. Still, the fragmentation factors constitute another major obstacle to most Russian trade unions trying to overcome their passive position, or to receive reform-from-below changes. Bringing such an understanding into the thesis, the research can re-confirm the characteristics of Russian trade unionism. This explanation for the weakness of the self-organised Russian workers supports Ashwin’s argument (which she presented in her study of alienated, contested collectivism in the mining enterprise). However, we could find not only one single form of Russian workers’ self-organisation but variant ones with meaningful patterns. This analysis can be related to Ashwin’s conception in which she asserts ‘the social form of the labour collective inhibited workers’ organisation’ (1999, p. 189). According as the present analyses, we may re-constituted her major theme as such: the major force of alienated collectivism embedded in the systematic reproduction of the soviet type of social relations of production at the enterprise level constructs the lack of collectively-organised Russian workers on the one hand; but can also note that mobilised workers are confined within the making of isolated change on the other hand. These weak forms of representation of Russian workers pull together and reproduce the current characteristics of social institutions in the country. All these factors could associate with each other to provide a more comprehensive explanation for the reproduction of the current state of Russian trade unionism. Such an analytical conclusion also provides a critical indication for the practical prospect of the Russian trade unions. Any serious estimation of the prospects of Russian trade unions’ efforts must address the differences of interest / conditions among their forms of collective identity. Any united platform or strategy (whether economic, social or political) for those organised, mobilised Russian workers will inevitably meet a deadend when their self-identification only thrives on their primitive collectives and the union leadership acts on such a logic without recognition of the collectives’ contradictory characteristics. Those workers, like the lately organised auto workers at Ford’s Vsevolozhsk factory, who decided to establish a new autoworkers’ union together with those from other Russian car factories would have to go through similar obstacles - the unavoidable basis for their unity in a process of narrow collective identification. The most critical challenge in front of the workers’ progress remains obvious: the making of a wider unity for all Russian autoworkers as a whole depends on both a continuation of union coordination and a substantial transformation of these isolated workplace relations. The primary breakthrough for such unity needs to tackle the practical obstacles to a broader community within the embedded workplace relations, and this must be prior to any blaming of the failure of union leadership or strategy. In other words, the reform of Russian trade unionism would easily go in vain by assuming the current workplace fragmentation within Russian labour relations could have been transcended through one or several active union campaigns to develop a broad collective identity. Intellectually and practically, a comprehensive but critically reflective understanding of the substance of collective formation and weakening among both passive and militant workers is an essential lesson for any efforts to develop model labour organisations in post-Soviet Russia. Without appreciating the distinct basis of potential self-organisation under these objective conditions, the weak transformation of Russian labour relations would crucially frustrate the isolated collective-union achievement with its own contradiction of conformity long inherited.
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