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HausaHausa syllables can be open or closed, and there is vowel length contrast in open syllables. There are three lexical tones in Hausa—H, L and H°L. H and L tones can occur on all syllable types—CVV, CVR, CVO and CV, while H°L can only occur on CVV, CVR and CVO. As the phonetic study discussed in §4.2.2.3 shows, the ability of CVO to carry the falling contour is contingent on two conditions: the vowel in CVO is significantly longer when it carries a falling tone than when it carries a level tone, and the falling pitch excursion on CVO is significantly smaller than that on CVV and CVR. Therefore a more accurate description on the contour distribution in Hausa is: H°L can freely occur on CVV and CVR; it can also occur on CVO upon lengthening of the vowel and reduction of the pitch excursion; it cannot occur on CV syllables. Let us leave aside the CV syllables for a moment and account for the behavior of H°L on CVV, CVR, and CVO first. Suppose that under the canonical speaking rate and style, the minimum sonorous rime duration for CVO is d, and the minimum sonorous rime duration for CVV and CVR is d+d0+d1. When CVO is lengthened to carry H°L, the duration is lengthened to d+d0, and I write CV•O to represent the lengthened syllable. I further assume that the falling pitch excursion is ∆f on CVV and CVR, but only f-f0 (0<f0<f) on CVO, and I write H°M to represent the partial contour reduction. Let us now consider the crucial constraints for Hausa from the three constraints families—*Contour-CCONTOUR, *Dur, and Pres(T). From the *Contour-CCONTOUR family, the crucial constraints are shown in (0). These constraints observe the intrinsic ranking in (0).
b. *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVR) c. *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) d. *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVO) e. *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) f. *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO) (0) *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVO) * Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO)
*Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O)
*Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVV) The crucial *Dur constraints for Hausa are given in (0). The first constraint penalizes a lengthening of d0 from the minimum duration; and with representing a small duration, the second constraint penalizes any lengthening that is more than d0, and the third constraint penalizes any lengthening at all. These constraints observe the intrinsic ranking in (0). (0) a. *Dur(d0) b. *Dur(d0+) c. *Dur()
b. Pres(T, i+1): do not reduce f to f-f1. (f1>f0, Sf(f-f1)=i+1) c. Pres(T, 1): f must be faithfully realized.
First, we know that H°L can occur faithfully on CVV and CVR without lengthening the rime. The lack of lengthening in CVV when it carries H°L is supported phonetic data. The three disyllabic words of Hausa shown in (0), each with a high-toned long vowel in the first syllable, were recorded from the same speaker that participated in the other Hausa experiments, each with five repetitions. (0) ma!a!r¸~ ‘to slap someone’ na!a!ku~ ‘yours (pl.)’ na!a!ma~ ‘meat’
From this we deduce the ranking *Dur(), Pres(T, 1) » *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVR) » *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVV). This is illustrated by the tableau in (0), which shows the derivation of a H°L tone on a CVV syllable. The winning candidate only violates the lowly ranked tonal markedness constraint. Flattening the contour, as the second candidate shows, and lengthening the vowel, as the third candidate shows, violate the highly ranked Pres(T) and *Dur constraints respectively. (0) /CV!V~/ —> [CV!V~]
Second, to account for the fact that H°L cannot occur on CVO with its canonical duration d, but can occur on a lengthened duration d+d0 when its excursion is partially flattened, we need the ranking *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO), *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O), *Dur(d0+), Pres(T, i+1) » *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O), *Dur(d0), Pres(T, i). This is illustrated in the tableau in ). The first candidate, which is the faithful candidate, violates *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVO), which outranks *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO) by the intrinsic ranking given in (0). The second candidate, with partial lengthening but no flattening, violates *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O). The third candidate, with partial flattening but no lengthening, violates *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO). The fourth candidate, with excessive lengthening, violates *Dur(d0+). And the fifth candidate, with excessive flattening, violates Pres(T, i+1). These constraints that the above candidates violate outrank the constraints that the winner, which executes the right amount of contour flattening and rime lengthening, violates: *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O), *Dur(d0), and Pres(T, i). (0) /CV$O/ —> [CV! @•O]
The crucial constraint rankings for Hausa are summarized in (0). These rankings do not contradict the intrinsic rankings established above. (0) Crucial ranking for Hausa: *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVO) *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO), *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) *Dur(d0+), Pres(T, i+1)
*Dur(d0), Pres(T, i) *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) *Dur(), Pres(T, 1) *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVR)
One remaining question regarding Hausa is why CV syllables do not lengthen to carry the falling contour. From tableau (0), if a CV syllable also has a minimum vowel duration of d, it should be able to lengthen just as a CVO syllable, so that it can carry a partially flattened H°L. Gordon (1998) provides some insight into this question: since there is vowel length contrast in open syllables while there is no such contrast in closed syllables, CVO has more freedom in subphonemic lengthening than CV because such lengthening does not jeopardize any contrast in CVO, but could potentially do so in CV. To capture this effect then, we need to distinguish two kinds of *Dur constraints: one whose violation reduces the difference between two durational contrasts and one whose violation does not. For example, *Dur(CV, d0) belongs to the former group and *Dur(CVO, d0) belongs to the latter group, since lengthening the vowel duration by d0 in CV reduces the durational difference between CV and CVV by d0, but lengthening the vowel duration in CVO does not reduce the durational difference between any contrastive pair. These two constraints are universally ranked: *Dur(CV, d0) » *Dur(CVO, d0). Let us suppose that Sf()=j (j>i). Then since complete contour flattening was chosen as the solution, *Dur(CV, d0) » Pres(T, j). This is illustrated by the mini-tableau in (0). (0) Complete flattening of H°L on CV: /CV$/ —> [CV!] .
Given the intrinsic ranking Pres(T, j) » Pres(T, i), the constraint ranking for Hausa should be revised as in (0). This ranking derives all the contour distribution patterns in Hausa. (0) Crucial ranking for Hausa (revised): *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVO), *Dur(CV, d0), Pres(T, j) *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CVO), *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) *Dur(d0+), Pres(T, i+1)
*Dur(CVO, d0), Pres(T, i) *Contour(H°M)-CCONTOUR(CV•O) *Dur(), Pres(T, 1) *Contour(H°L)-CCONTOUR(CVR)
In summary, as discussed in the factorial typology, Hausa instantiates the pattern in which, on a certain syllable type, a contour tone is realized as a partially flattened pitch excursion on a lengthened rime. The OT grammar that derives it has the crucial tonal markedness constraint ranked on a par with some high-ranking *Dur and Pres(T) constraints. Consequently, the tonal markedness constraint will outrank some other *Dur and Pres(T) constraints. Then to satisfy the markedness constraint, the language chooses to simultaneously violate the lower-ranking *Dur and Pres(T) constraints, creating the part flattening, part lengthening data pattern. Directory: files files -> Answer True False 2 points Question 2 files -> Integer programming and game theory files -> 4 Integer Programming files -> Bpa vehicle Window Repair Scenario #1 task: Procure vehicle window relacement. Objective files -> Pop Warner History files -> North Carolina Inclusion Initiative Mapping Where Children with ieps are Being Served Purpose files -> Fall 2013 Spring 2014 Program Data: Standard 1 Exhibit 4d files -> Hanban – asia society confucius classrooms network 2010 request for proposal files -> Northern England’s set-jetting locations Download 3.01 Mb. Share with your friends:
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