Turn—the invocation of genealogy is itself a disciplinary norm complicit with whiteness
Stevens 2003 (Jacqueline, Professor of Political Science at Northwestern, Political Theory, 31.4, JSTOR)
As a consequence of Foucault’s influence, one can now list hundreds of books and articles whose authors pursue a “genealogy” and not a “history” of this or that.2 So, we might now ask: What does a genealogy mean to us? What is the value of a genealogy? How ought we to pursue questions about geneal- ogies? The quick answer first. We value genealogies for political resistance, aesthetic criticism, and rote professionalization. No serious student of cul- tural studies today would do a “history of X” and not its genealogy for her dis- sertation. The fad indicates nothing especially insidious about cultural stud- ies or the linguistic turn in parts of the academy, but amounts to one more disciplining convention. Far less insistent or hegemonic than, say, the requirement of rational choice theory or behavioral studies in the social sci- ences, the prevalence of a Foucauldian lexicon in the humanities calls atten- tion to itself precisely because of its advocates’ general reluctance to impose orthodoxies. The problem with the success of Foucault’s method is not its opacity or relativism, as conservative critics of Foucault carp, but rather that it holds forth its own specialized jargon that turns out to be belied by its own intellectual history, leading to strained readings and analyses that at times mirror the pointless, obsessive methodism in other fields. Foucault ([1971] 1977a) claims to derive his devotion to genealogy from Nietzsche, yet Nietzsche himself mocked genealogists and their enterprise. Approaching Nietzsche through Deleuze ([1962] 1983), Foucault misreads the single text in which Nietzsche discusses the concept of genealogy (Nietz- sche [1887] 1967b), and seems thereby to have led a herd of academics away from Nietzsche’s own meaning of ‘Genealogie’ and into what by now may have become a revaluation of the word. For an elite circle of students, “gene- alogy” has come to mean something quite different from its ordinary use and etymology. After offering an old-fashioned intellectual history of Nietz- sche’s mocking use of ‘Genealogie’, I turn to how the term has come to be misused and perhaps even abused by Foucault and his disciples.
Smith ‘4 [Phil, Executive Director, Vermont Developmental Disabilities Council, “Whiteness, Normal Theory, and Disability Studies”, Disability Studies Quarterly Spring 2004, Volume 24, No. 2, http://dsq-sds.org/article/view/491/668]
In ways similar to those in which marginalized racial groupings have been forced to live outside the boundaries of normalized white landscapes, segregation into literal and virtual disability ghettos has been the norm in modernist Western culture (Groch 1998; Smith 1999b). People with disabilities are denied even basic health care, so that those labeled as having so-called mental retardation have a life expectancy that is as little as two-thirds – or less – that of the total population (Horwitz, Kerker, Owens, and Zigler 2000). And people with disabilities are at significant risk for violence in the form of sexual, physical, mental, emotional, and verbal abuse in their lives (Horwitz, Kerker, Owens, and Zigler 2000; Sobsey and Doe 1991; Smith 2001c; Sullivan and Knutson 2000). Some have suggested that the creation of the institutional framework of special education itself has served "...to provide an education for 'normal' students unimpeded by students who are troublesome, in the widest possible sense" (Tomlinson 1995, p. 127). Groch (1998) has pointedly noted that both racism and ableism are ideologies, "with most Americans seldom questioning their legitimacy" (p. 202). By "most Americans," I understand her to mean "most white, able-bodied Americans." The clarification is significant, I believe, because it begins to explore the invisibility of ability, what some see as "normal," for those who define others as disabled. Doing so denies the normality of disability, the ways in which what is portrayed as outside boundaries of normative landscapes by the ideology of eugenicist ableism is, from critical theory and disability studies perspectives, in fact normative. Others have also pointed out the invisibility of ability, of being able-bodied. For example, "there are few names that refer to that status except those in currency within the disabled community such as 'able-bodied', 'nondisabled,' and 'abled" (Gordon and Rosenblum 2001, p.13). In the same way that people of "color" may see whiteness better than Whites, so people labeled as having a disability may be able to see normality better than those who are only, at best, temporarily able-bodied. There is one difference between the status of whiteness (or, for that matter, masculinity) and the status of able-bodiedness: "Whites do not worry about becoming black; men don't worry about becoming women. Disability, however, is always a potentialstatus..." (Gordon and Rosenblum 2001, p.16). It is probable, therefore, that significantly greater anxiety – perhaps terror is a better word – attends what is thought to be the dark specter of disability, and why eugenicism – again, perhaps genocide is a better word – remains a real possibility in the lives of people with disabilities.
Aff – Disability – Perm
The perm solves best – theories of white supremacy need to take ableism into account
Smith ‘4 [Phil, Executive Director, Vermont Developmental Disabilities Council, “Whiteness, Normal Theory, and Disability Studies”, Disability Studies Quarterly Spring 2004, Volume 24, No. 2, http://dsq-sds.org/article/view/491/668]
I propose an intellectual alliance between whiteness studies and disability studies in order to accentuate the underlying invisibility of normative whiteness and able-ness ideologies. These structures are at the core of Western culture, and yet remain unnoticed, un-observed. Without turning our cultural gaze on them – without scrutinizing and inspecting their borders – these ideologies will continue to oppress and obfuscate, exclude and excise, human communities that have been placed not just outside the margins, but off the page. In calling for this kind of intellectual alliance, I do not want to place it in opposition to a creative, articulate, cross-disciplinary collaboration between race studies and disability studies. Besides creating a problematic and difficult binary, I want to acknowledge the importance of the work of anti-racist scholars like Derrick Bell (1987), W.E.B. DuBois (1971), Frantz Fanon (1968), bell hooks (1994), Toni Morrison (1992), and Cornel West (1999) in creating the possibility for and development of a robust whiteness studies. Race studies has functioned in the same way that disability studies has in creating the development of normal theories, as a kind of essential breeding ground for ideas and thought. The work of those within the Black American civil rights movement has done much to make it possible for people with disabilities to end their own segregation and discrimination (Robinson 2002). And the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa enabled some disability activists to begin thinking and arguing about the oppression of people with disabilities (Campbell & Oliver 1996). What implications does this intersection have for both whiteness studies and disability studies? It will be essential for both scholarly fields to see themselves as inherently interdisciplinary. I use the term field, and think of the meadow out behind my old Vermont farmhouse, filled with an amazing diversity of plant, animal, and, as I walk through it on a late summer evening to swim naked in the dark at the pond by its edge, even spiritual, life. To explore that meadow, to understand it in totally new and increasingly holistic ways, I need to be not just a biologist, zoologist, or botanist, but a poet, a farmer, a philosopher, a sociologist. So, too, will those seeking to explore the meadows of whiteness and disability need to stretch far beyond what has traditionally been thought of as the processes of exploration used to outline cultural processes – they will need to use a synergistic tool belt worn by an overtly Renaissance craftsperson. What does it mean for whiteness to recognize disability within its own ranks? An exploration of the way ableism fits in with all the other "isms" will be an important expansion of the work of whiteness studies scholarship. Too often left out of such cultural exploration, an understanding of the impact of disability on whiteness in Western culture will be an area worth exploring. For example, what is the intersection of whiteness and disability in novels like Moby Dick, The Color Purple, or Heart of Darkness, in films like Taxi Driver, or in works by photographers such as Diane Arbus?