portion of the continental landmasses resubmerged because
the fifth day was predominantly the day of marine life.
During the third day the extent of terrestrial surface was increasing, on
the fourth day it diminished, and on the fifth it again increased, and
probably has on the whole continued to increase up to the present time.
One most important geological consequence of this is that the marine
animals of the fifth day probably commenced their existence on sea bottoms which were the old soil surfaces of submerged continents
previously clothed with vegetation, and which consequently contained
much organic matter fitted to form a basis of support for the newly created
animals.156
All the animals created on the fifth day were attributed to the
Paleozoic and Mesozoic eras. The sixth day belonged to the
Tertiary period, the age of mammals. On the latter point he
was in general agreement with Guyot.
Brief mention may also be made of George Frederick
Wright, the last of the great nineteenth-century Christian ge-
ologists. Throughout his long career Wright addressed ques-
tions relating to the integration of Christianity and geology.
In 1882, in Studies in Science and Religion,157 Wright noted that
he was not impressed with the efforts of other geologists to
achieve concord. "In many of these attempts it is difficult to
tell which has been most distorted, the rocks or the sacred
record."158 Calling Genesis 1 a "remarkable ‘proem' " Wright
believed that
it was not modern science with which the sacred writers wished to be
reconciled, but polytheism which they wished to cut up root and branch....
When thus we consider it as a protest against polytheism, and an enforce-
ment of the first two commandments, it seems an impertinence to endeavor
to find all modern science in the document, however easy it may be for
science to find shelter under the drapery of its rhetoric.159
156 Ibid., 205.
157 George Frederick Wright, Studies in Science and Religion (Andover: Warren
F. Draper, 1882).
158 Ibid., 365.
159 Ibid., 366-67.
276 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
Wright showed that in all the details of Genesis 1 it was
affirmed that God was Creator. The sun, sky, animals, and so
on were all creatures of the one true God and should not be
the objects of worship.
Wright later changed his mind and undertook the very effort
he earlier condemned. In Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament
History160 so Wright confessed that he had dwelt "too exclusively
upon the adaptation of the document to the immediate pur-
pose of counteracting the polytheistic tendencies of the Is-
raelites."161 Upon further reflection he was so impressed by
the writings of Dana and Guyot that he saw "in this account
a systematic arrangement of creative facts which corresponds
so closely with the order of creation as revealed by modern
science that we cannot well regard it as accidental."162 His
thumbnail review of the correspondence of Genesis 1 and the
order of geology was essentially taken over from the Guyot-
Dana position.
3. Nineteenth-Century Concordism--the Flood
Because concordists felt the cumulative weight of geological
evidence against the notion of a global deluge that deposited
the entire stratigraphic column, harmonistic concerns shifted
from the flood to the creation account. Nevertheless the flood
played an important subsidiary role in their thought. Here,
too, concordists adjusted their interpretations of the flood
story to the constraints of the geological data. During the
early nineteenth century there was still widespread belief in
a catastrophic flood of continental or global proportions even
among mainstream geologists and naturalists who were con-
vinced of the earth's antiquity. The presumed effects of that
flood, however, had been reduced. For example, William
Buckland, who was anxious that geology continue its support
for the Mosaic record of the flood, identified numerous sur-
ficial gravels, erratic boulders, and broad river valleys dis-
160 George Frederick Wright, Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History
(Oberlin, Ohio: Bibliotheca Sacra, 1906).
161 Ibid., 368.
162 Ibid., 370.
SCRIPTURE IN THE HANDS OF GEOLOGISTS 277
tributed widely over northern Europe as the effects of a
catastrophic deluge.163
Buckland's proposals regarding the flood encountered op-
position on both scientific and biblical grounds. The Scottish
naturalist and Presbyterian minister, John Fleming, said that
Buckland's flood "occasioned the destruction of all the in-
dividuals of many species of quadrupeds."164 But that was
clearly contrary to the Mosaic account, for Moses expressly
stated that some of all kinds of animals were preserved in the
ark. This preservation was identified as a preservation of "spe-
cies ": "we have revelation, declaring that, of all species of
quadrupeds a male and female were spared and preserved
during the deluge."165
Secondly, Fleming maintained that Buckland's deluge was
"sudden, transient, universal, simultaneous, rushing with an
overwhelming impetuosity, infinitely more powerful than the
most violent waterspouts."166 Fleming took issue with such
diluvial attributes.
In the history of the Noachian deluge by Moses, there is not a term em-
ployed which indicates any one of the characters, except universality, at-
tributed to the geological deluge. On the contrary, the flood neither
approached nor retired suddenly.... There is no notice taken of the furious
movements of the waters, which must have driven the ark violently to and
fro.167
Fleming also disagreed about the geological capabilities of
the flood. Buckland's flood "excavated, in its fury, deep val-
leys, tearing up portions of the solid rock, and transporting
to a distance the wreck which it had produced." 168 But if that
had happened,
163 See William Buckland, Reliquiae diluvianae (London: John Murray, 1823 ).
Later in his career, Buckland became convinced of the adequacy of the glacial
hypothesis to account for the boulders, gravels, widened valleys, and many
of the vertebrate deposits. As a result, he manfully recanted his earlier com-
mitment to a catastrophic deluge theory.
164 John Fleming, "The Geological Deluge, as interpreted by Baron Cuvier
and Professor Buckland, inconsistent with the testimony of Moses and the
Phenomena of Nature," Edinburgh Philosophical Journal 14 (1826) 211.
165 Ibid., 212.
166 Ibid., 213.
167 Ibid.
168 Ibid.
278 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the antediluvian world must have been widely different from the present;
lakes, and valleys, and seas, now existing in places formerly occupied by
rocks, and the courses of rivers greatly altered. In the Book of Genesis
there is no such change hinted at. On the contrary, the countries and rivers
which existed before the flood, do not appear, from any thing said in the
Scriptures, to have experienced any change in consequence of that event.
But if the supposed impetuous torrent excavated valleys, and transported
masses of rocks to a distance from their original repositories, then must
the soil have been swept from off the earth, to the destruction of the
vegetable tribes. Moses does not record such an occurrence. On the con-
trary, in his history of the dove and the olive-leaf plucked off, he furnishes
a proof that the flood was not so violent in its motions as to disturb the
soil, nor to overturn the trees which it supported; nor was the ground
rendered, by the catastrophe, unfit for the cultivation of the vine.169
Convinced of the tranquil nature of the flood and of its
general lack of substantial geological activity, Fleming com-
mented that he did not expect to find any marks or memorials
to the flood. As a matter of fact, if he had "witnessed every
valley and gravel-bed, nay, every fossil bone, attesting the
ravages of the dreadful scene, I would have been puzzled to
account for the unexpected difficulties; and might have been
induced to question the accuracy of Moses as an historian, or
the claims of the Book of Genesis to occupy its present place
in the sacred record."170
Fleming's tranquil flood theory was not widely adopted.
Later concordists who accepted the historical reality of the
flood believed that the flood had left significant geological
relics. However, the flood was considered to be geographically
restricted. Hugh Miller eloquently argued against the geo-
graphic universality of the flood and spoke of the "palpable
monstrosities" associated with universal deluge theories. In
the nature of the case, Miller argued, there could have been
no eye-witness to the extent of the flood. If Noah and his
family were the only survivors there was no way they could
have observed that the flood had been universal. God could
have revealed such geographic facts, but then "God's reve-
lations have in most instances been made to effect exclusively
moral purposes; and we know that those who have perilously
held that, along with the moral facts, definite physical facts,
169 Ibid., 213-14.
170 Ibid., 214.
SCRIPTURE IN THE HANDS OF GEOLOGISTS 279
geographic, geologic, or astronomical, has also been im-
parted, have almost invariably found themselves involved in
monstrous error."171 The moral significance of the flood
would not be altered by a reduction in its extent. Miller stated
that universal language was commonly used in Scripture for
more limited events. In many instances it was clear from the
text that such a limitation was inherent, "but there is no such
explanation given to limit or restrict most of the other pas-
sages; the modifying element must be sought for outside the
sacred volume."172 The flood story fell into that latter cate-
gory.
Almost all the texts of Scripture in which questions of physical science are
involved, the limiting, modifying, explaining facts and circumstances must
be sought for in that outside region of secular research, historic and sci-
entific, from which of late years so much valuable biblical illustration has
been derived, and with which it is so imperatively the duty of the Church
to keep up an acquaintance at least as close and intimate as that maintained
with it by her gainsayers and assailants.173
For Miller science showed that there had been no universal
flood.
One of the compelling arguments against the universality
of the flood concerned the problem of getting animals to and
from the ark. Supposing for the sake of argument the validity
of the idea that the flood involved elevation of the sea bed
and sinking of landmasses, Miller poked fun at some of the
inherent impossibilities of the universal deluge.
A continuous tract of land would have stretched,--when all the oceans
were continents and all the continents oceans,--between the South Amer-
ican and the Asiatic coasts. And it is just possible that, during the hundred
and twenty years in which the ark was in building, a pair of sloths might
have crept by inches across this continuous tract, from where the skeletons
of the great megatheria174 are buried, to where the great vessel stood. But
after the Flood had subsided, and the change in sea and land had taken
place, there would remain for them no longer a roadway; and so, though
their journey outwards might, in all save the impulse which led to it, have
been altogether a natural one, their voyage homewards could not be other
than miraculous. Nor would the exertion of miracle have had to be re-
171 Miller, Testimony, 300-301.
172 Ibid., 302.
173 Ibid., 302-3.
174 Megatherium was a gigantic extinct sloth.
280 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
stricted to the transport of the remoter travellers. How, we may well ask,
had the Flood been universal, could even such islands as Great Britain and
Ireland have ever been replenished with many of their original inhabitants?
Even supposing it possible that animals, such as the red deer and the native
ox might have swam across the Straits of Dover or the Irish Channel, to
graze anew over deposits in which the bones and horns of their remote
ancestors had been entombed long ages before, the feat would have been
surely far beyond the power of such feeble natives of the soil as the mole,
the hedgehog, the shrew, the dormouse, and the field-vole.175
Though firmly convinced of a local deluge, Miller admitted
being on "weak ground" when discussing the location and
mechanism of the flood. He suggested that the very large,
depressed area of central Asia around the Caspian, Black, and
Aral seas might have been the locus of the flood. He claimed
that if a "trench-like strip of country that communicated be-
tween the Caspian and the Gulf of Finland" were "depressed
beneath the level of the latter sea, it would so open up the
fountains of the great deep as to lay under water an extensive and
populous region."176 If the area were depressed by 400 feet
per day, the basin would subside to a depth of 16,000 feet
within forty days and the highest mountains of the district
would be drowned. If volcanic outbursts were associated with
such a depression of the land, the atmosphere would be so
affected that "heavy drenching rains" would have descended
the entire time.
Dawson, following Miller, suggested that the flood was a
local event and that subsidence of an inhabited land area
resulted in large scale flooding and entombment of the pre-
diluvian races beneath deposits of mud and silt around the
Caspian Sea.
The physical agencies evoked by the divine power to destroy this ungodly
race were a subsidence of the region they inhabited, so as to admit the
oceanic waters, and extensive atmospherical disturbances connected with
that subsidence, and perhaps with the elevation of neighboring regions.
In this case it is possible that the Caspian Sea, which is now more than
eighty feet below the level of the ocean, and which was probably much
more extensive then than at present, received much of the drainage of the
flood, and that the mud and sand deposits of this sea and the adjoining
175 Ibid., 348.
176 Ibid., 356.
SCRIPTURE IN THE HANDS OF GEOLOGISTS 281
desert plains, once manifestly a part of its bottom, concealed any remains
that exist of the antediluvian population.177
Wright, too, believed the flood had been a great local in-
undation of a huge tract of central Asia. To Wright the biblical
account "represents the Flood as caused not so much by the
rising of the water, as by the sinking of the land. It says that
all the fountains of the great deep were broken up."178 As a
glacial geologist, Wright related the flood to glacial action.
The removal of enormous quantities of water from the ocean
and their inclusion in massive glacial sheets caused redistri-
bution of weight on the earth's surface. The ice sheets de-
pressed the landmasses while the ocean beds were elevated
as the load of water was removed. These readjustments led
to pressures that reinforced depression of portions of the
landmasses.179 One of the great depressed areas was that of
central Asia in which early mankind was living. At the end of
the ice age, enormous amounts of glacial meltwater returned
to the oceans and also temporarily drowned the great basin
of central Asia. The Caspian, Aral, and Black Seas, and Lake
Baikal were said to be remnants of that vast depression.
4. Recent Concordism
Since the nineteenth century, Christian geologists became
a silent minority. For several decades few harmonizations of
Scripture with geological data were attempted.180 Then in
1977, a sudden flurry of concordist works appeared beginning
with my Creation and the Flood.181 My scheme resembled the
day-age proposals of Miller, Dana, Guyot, and Dawson. The
geological data were updated, and it was proposed that the
events of the six days were overlapping. A diagram illustrated
how the days of creation might have overlapped. Genesis 1
177 Dawson, Origin, 256.
178 Wright, Scientific Confirmations, 206.
179 Ibid., 224-29.
180 An important exception to the dearth of concordist literature during
this period is B. Ramm, The Christian View of Science and Scripture (Grand Rapids:
Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1954). It should, however, be recognized that Ramm
spoke as a theologian trained in the sciences rather than as a scientist.
181 Davis A. Young, Creation and the Flood (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1977).
282 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
was said to contain summary reports of the major activities
of each day so that the creative events of each day were not
necessarily restricted to that day. For example, bird formation
was envisioned as possibly continuing into day six, and the
creation of mammals was viewed as being initiated prior to
day six and reaching its climax on that day.182
I suggested that the creation of earth on day one referred
to a partially organized body not yet fit for life and habitation.
The deep was an initial ocean that covered the globe prior
to continent formation.183 The light of day one had reference
only to earth; it was "radiant energy falling on the earth's surface
for the first time.184 I denied that this creation of light had
anything to do with the so-called Big Bang hypothesis.185
The division of waters related to the clouds above and
watery oceans beneath; the creation of the firmament involved
the development of the atmosphere. The waters accumulated
into ocean basins, and continental landmasses appeared on
the third day. It was admitted that "some difficulties are readily
apparent in correlating Genesis with paleobotany."186 The
problem was that "different categories of plants seem to have
arisen over widely-spaced times."187 Like Guyot and Dawson,
I noted that Genesis places plants before animals but that
geology reverses the order. I suggested that future paleon-
tological work would disclose more information about the
origins of plants and that the biasing of early Paleozoic rocks
in favor of marine deposits had led us to overlook the possible
importance of terrestrial land plants that might have existed
earlier than we had thought. After a century of intense pa-
leontological investigation and of day-age concordism, I did
no better with the plant-animal sequence than had Guyot or
Dawson. Although more open to evolution than Dawson, I
nevertheless thought that the expression "after his kind" sug-
182 Ibid., 116-17.
183 Ibid., 119.
184 Ibid., 120.
185 Ibid.
186 Ibid., 128.
187 Ibid.
SCRIPTURE IN THE HANDS OF GEOLOGISTS 283
gested an "independence of botanical classes that is incom-
patible with the general plant evolution.188
I, too, insisted that the absolute origin of the sun, moon,
and stars did not occur on the fourth day. The function of
the heavenly bodies with respect to earth was in view. "The
point seems to be that at this time the earth comes into its
present and final relationship to the sun so that now the sun
and moon can serve as time regulators for the earth."189
In 1983, John Wiester published a fine summary of current
geological and astronomical findings within the constraints of
the day-age theory.190 Wiester said little about Gen 1:2 and
linked that verse with the moment of creation or even "before
the beginning." He made no effort to identify the great deep.
Of this verse he said, "The most we can say scientifically about
‘before the beginning’ is that we know nothing about it. The
scientific quest has reached a barrier it cannot penetrate. Time
and space have no meaning or existence. We must turn to
the Scripture at this point."191 Creation therefore began with
the pronouncement of God, "Let there be light." This light
was identified with the Big Bang of modern cosmology. "Sci-
ence now fully agrees with the Bible that the Universe began
with light. It is time our textbooks reflected the harmony of
science with the first creation command in Genesis."192
Wiester attributed the formation of the atmosphere to day
two. During its early history the earth went through a molten
stage, characterized by segregation of materials in the interior
as well as outgassing of volatile substances. The outgassed
material separated into seas and a cloudy atmosphere. The
waters were gathered into ocean basins and continents ap-
peared. Wiester claimed that the creation of the sun on day
four related to clearing of the atmosphere. He suggested that
"the primordial atmosphere of carbon dioxide and other
smog-like gases had to be purified,"193 and that Gen 1:15 has
in view "the transformation of light from the Sun into a ben-
188 Ibid., 127.
189 Ibid., 129.
190 John L. Wiester, The Genesis Connection (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1983).
191 Ibid., 36.
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