NADBank’s infrastructure project are the lynchpin for North American integration
Rodriguez 09 – Chair of the Board of Advisors for the North American Center for Transborder Studies @ Arizona State University [Raul Rodriguez (Chair and professor in Banking and Finance @ University of the Incarnate Word and the President of RMI, an investment and trade consulting firm in Mexico. He served as CEO and Managing Director of the North American Development Bank (NADBank) until October 2005. Prior to joining the NADBank, he was Executive Director of the Mexican Foreign Trade Bank; the Bank’s Director for Asia; Mexico’s Trade Commissioner in Canada during the NAFTA negotiation; and Secretary of Economic Development for the Mexican border State of Tamaulipas), “The Future of the North American Development Bank” The Wilson Center Mexico Institute and El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Policy Brief, June 2009, pg. http://wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/RODRIGUEZ%20NADBANK.pdf
J. Give BECC and NADB a role in crafting a regional development plan and strategy to expedite and coordinate infrastructure development:
BECC and NADB are participating in efforts for greater coordination among U.S. and Mexican agencies involved in environmental matters, in order to develop border projects as efficiently as possible. The two institutions coordinate the development and financing of water and wastewater projects with EPA, CONAGUA, and both sections of the International Border and Water Commission (IBWC). BECC and NADB also coordinate with state and local authorities. The expansion and strengthening of these coordination efforts are essential for the successful development of future projects.
There are many examples of productive border collaboration around the world. The compromise achieved between sovereignty and arbitration issues with an ecosystem approach at the Canada-U.S. International Joint Commission (IJC) along the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River system, however limited, is worth exploring. The experience of regional utility districts for water, sewage, garbage, power, gas, transportation, telecommunications and other services in the U.S. should also be examined in order to foster joint binational management schemes. An initiative has been studied by the U.S. Congress to establish a regional economic authority for the border to address critical infrastructure development issues, creating synergies and avoiding duplication (see S. 458, February 2003; H.R. 2068, April 2007).
With 15 years of experience, BECC and NADB can become hubs in designing a blueprint for the border’s future, identifying success stories and best practices and testing them in the U.S.-Mexico border context. How to foster joint management of services and resources; how to facilitate border crossings while improving security; how to implement the perimeter and pre-clearance notion; how to create synergies between a powerful, aging society and a younger, developing one; how to build constituencies for a better interrelated and more competitive North American region.
Addressing the financing needs for border infrastructure would create the foundations for productivity and self-sustained growth in a way that would benefit the whole North American region. Each sub-region needs to identify the major deficiencies that limit competitiveness and development and the best ways to resolve them. This should be fostered and coordinated under the stewardship of the ten border state governments.
As the U.S. and Mexico enter a new era of collaboration, the Border Governors Conference could establish a permanent task force to provide input and support to BECC-NADB as they continue to evolve. This would help multiply their contribution to the border’s development, as a lynchpin of a new 21st century agenda for North America.
Rlx – Mexico key
Wilson 13 - Associate with the Mexico Institute @ the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars [Christopher E. Wilson (Former Mexico Analyst for the U.S. Military and Researcher @ American University’s Center for North American Studies), “Policy Options for the Next Stage in U.S.-Mexico Relations,” Woodrow Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute, May 2013
Similar to other large middle-income countries, Mexico has reason to be increasingly active in responding to regional and global issues. As Mexico’s economy grows, so will its weight on the global stage. Since Mexico is a key partner for the United States on global issues and the two countries have many shared interests, this represents an opportunity for the United States. Mexico, too, has much to gain from working in partnership with the United States. Despite recent successes in its role in hosting the G-20 and the United Nations Climate Change Conference, Mexico has punched below its weight on foreign policy for several years. To increase international clout, Mexico must become even more active in international institutions—perhaps UN peacekeeping operations—and could become a regional leader in supporting Central American countries as several face public security crises caused by organized crime and gangs.
The presence of so many opportunities in bilateral relations does not mean that the path ahead is obstacle-free. In fact, due to the intense blend of domestic politics and international affairs that makes up the U.S.-Mexico relationship, without a determined effort on the part of both governments to keep the bilateral relationship positive and productive, it can easily be pulled off track by scandals and disagreements. Some policy areas are particularly sensitive. On security cooperation, for example, some joint efforts implemented with the previous Mexican administration may be considered too risky by the new team; officials will have to take care to move forward with an overall approach based on collaboration and shared responsibility even as the details of cooperation are renegotiated. On the issue of energy, any discussion of cooperation in the area of oil still requires sensitivity on the part of the United States, particularly at this time of potential change in the legislative framework in Mexico. Similarly, the ability of Mexico to push for progress on a U.S. immigration reform is limited, and Mexican officials will have to choose their strategy carefully.
The purpose of this report, therefore, is to identify areas in the bilateral relationship where mutually beneficial cooperation can be pursued. In a way that has not been the case for at least a decade, the context in which the new U.S. and Mexican administrations meet is one of tremendous opportunity. Taking full advantage of this opportunity-laden moment will not be easy, but the potential in deepening the U.S.-Mexico strategic partnership justifies an investment from both sides in terms of resources, time and political will. Pg. 3
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