People don’t want to admit that some people don’t deserve help, but we HAVE to. African Americans are especially likely to agree that giving support to “bad apples’ unfairly punishes those who play by the rules
Peter H. Schuck and Richard J. Zeckhauser- Analysts for the Brookings institution- 2006- Targeting in Social Programs Avoiding Bad Bets, Removing Bad Apples – page- 35-6
Few policy intellectuals are willing to examine the bad apples problem closely. Yet most people who are as poor as or poorer than bad apples strongly condemn their misconduct. Indeed, public opinion polls find that low-income and black respondents are more disapproving of deviance, disruption, and violence than are higher-income and white respondents (although the former are more cynical about the police).1 Even more important, good apples manage to avoid engaging in such misconduct. Their good behavior often entails self-sacrifice—for example, the discipline to resist temptation and the courage to stand up to bullies. This fact, which is widely overlooked by advocates for the poor, needs emphasis. Every social policy should be designed to support the hard-won achievements of good apples, and every well-targeted redistributionist should seek to reward those achievements, not undermine them.
At- no linkage between conditions and Support for a policy
The linkages between having conditions and political support are often hard to be, but that does NOT mean they don’t exist
Peter H. Schuck and Richard J. Zeckhauser- Analysts for the Brookings institution- 2006- Targeting in Social Programs Avoiding Bad Bets, Removing Bad Apples – page- 35-6
Sometimes the political linkage between reforms that remove bad apples and more resources for good apples can be inferred even when it is not explicit. Christopher Jencks, a leading sociologist who specializes in research on poverty and social programs, points out that the Clinton administration’s welfare policymakers thought that they needed to expand the EITC program before they attempted welfare reform because they had to convince themselves and those to their left that single mothers with minimum wages could make it.30 Congress also raised the minimum wage within days of passing welfare reform, despite the hostility of the House leadership under Newt Gingrich to such proposals, and the states that reduced the number of welfare beneficiaries on their rolls spent a lot of money on child care subsidies and other job supports, including, in some cases, more generous increases of the EITC. A recent report suggests that they are continuing to do so: “States have poured money into education, training and child care to help welfare recipients get and keep jobs. Forty-four states said they would maintain cash assistance benefits in 2005 at the levels in effect this year. Five states . . . said they planned to increase cash assistance benefits next year.”31 Spending on child care subsidies, which enabled former recipients to work, almost doubled between the enactment of welfare reform and 2003, although working poor families in some states have had difficulty accessing these funds.32 When asked whether the reforms removing bad apples contributed significantly to such policy responses, Jencks replied, “I’d say yes, but the case is circumstantial.” 33 Originally an opponent of the welfare reform legislation, he now believes that the people who claimed that [the 1996 law] would cause a lot of suffering no longer have much credibility with middle-of-the-road legislators, who see welfare reform as an extraordinary success. If we want to regain credibility, we need to admit that welfare reform turned out so much better than we expected, and figure out why that was the case. The usual explanation is just that the economy did better than anyone projected, but that is only part of the story.34 A government social program whose performance exceeds expectations is a “man bites dog” story, one that merits close attention and investigation.35
Turn- Their liberal altruism only leads to bad policy in the long term, obscuring the reform process and making people worse off then they were before
Peter H. Schuck and Richard J. Zeckhauser- Analysts for the Brookings institution- 2006- Targeting in Social Programs Avoiding Bad Bets, Removing Bad Apples – page- 37
These institutional responses to the problem of tragic choices tend to enhance individual freedoms and exhibit other values favored by a liberal polity. At the same time, however, they often produce bad policies by rendering crucial facts more resistant to analysis. More to our point, these responses make it more likely that society will allocate too many resources to bad apples and bad bets rather than to other bad draws for whom the resources could bear more fruit. The opacity of these bad policies confounds rational voting and policymaking. It also makes it harder for the disadvantaged to mobilize politically and legally to secure remedies.
States Cp 1NC
Observation 1: Text: The 50 state governments and related territories and principalities of the United State will substantially increase the proportion of Mckinley-Vento Act funds they allocate for housing the homeless. Funding and Enforcment through normal means. We’ll clearify.
Observation 2: Net benefits; Cp avoids the spending DA, which assumes increases in only in federal spending.
Solvency- States have the experiences and resources to solve for homelessness independent of the federal government
Jim Baumohl- policy analyst for National Coalition for the Homeless- 1996- Homelessness in America= page- 175
As states have experienced growth in the number of homeless and have obtained increasedfunding to assist them and to prevent homelessness, they have also focused more on state-wide collaboration among various anti.homelessnes.s agencies and services, notablythrough state councils, task forces, and com-mittees. Some states' councils are composed ofrepresentatives from various levels of the pub-tic sector and the nonprofit community, othersare limited strictly to representatives of stateagencies concerned with housing and commu-nity development, mental health, education,economic development, and human services.Whatever their composition, the goal of thesestate councils, task forces, and committees isto identify the states magnitude of homeless-ness, coordinate resources, and suggest and pro-mote policy changes that will benefit homelesspeople.Many state councils prepare and submit an-nual reports to their governor, state legislature,and certain state agencies, enumerating thehomeless receiving services summarizing thetypes of programs and services available to as-sist the homeless, and describing unmet needs.By providing such assessments, the councils areable to make policy recommendations and ad-vocate for change in existing programs and forthe development of new programs and services.The councils help sustain collaboration by pro-moting the coordination of state antihomeless-ness policies, programs, and resources; theactive coordination of state agencies, local governments and local nonprofit organizations;and the sharing of information among all levelsof government and the nonprofit community.
States solve better by serving as laboratories for innovation in the realm of homelessness policy- this includes innovation in the area of housing
Jim Baumohl- policy analyst for National Coalition for the Homeless- 1996- Homelessness in America= page- 175
Many states have undertaken or planned inno-vative initiatives to address the problem ofhomelessness. Some programs focus on provid-ing shelter along with supportive services. 0thers provide homelessness prevention assistance.Some states thread housing counseling intothese programs. A few examples of such initla'tives are described briefly below:' The state of Louisiana is considering the useof advanced technology to coordinate thedelivery of services at the local level.Through interactive video, video coneferencing, and electronic data transmission,information on clients and resources areentered, shared, and stored. Linked to thiselectronic network are software programsthat quickly determine eligibility for pro-grams and services and update case flies. Maryland and other states employ housingcounselors to move households out of shel-ters and into permanent, affordable housing.The counselors are charged with securingpermanent housing and assisting the housesholds hi gaining access to community resources. Michigan, recognizing the importance of to Cal collaboration, gives special considerationto applications from local service providersthat have collaborated on state applications. The state of Minnesota funds local advisory committees made up of cross sections of lo cat communities. These committees are given flexibility in planning how to address homelessness within their communities.
Counterplan Solves better- State homelessness polices allow for a more effective bottom up approach to homelessness
Jim Baumohl- policy analyst for National Coalition for the Homeless- 1996- Homelessness in America= page- 176
This array of independent programs is ad-ministratively burdensome and costly for appli-cants, and it has been widely criticized aswasteful and biased toward applicants able toemploy highly skilled grant writers. Under theproposed consolidation, HUD's antihomelessaness programs will be merged into a single grantprogram with funds distributed to states andlocalities by formula.' This consolidation wouldeliminate the complexity and uncertainty ofproviding funds through independent programsmaking competitive awards. This new initiative,which calls for a "bottom up' approach to policyand program planning, gives states and locali-ties greater flexibility, but requires increased co-ordination and planning. State and local boardswill design, plan, and deliver programs sup-ported by the consolidated funds. A cornerstone of the planned consolidationis the concept of a continuum of care: a com-prehensive, coordinated approach to meetingthe needs of homeless people. The continuumof care would emphasize comprehensive anti homelessness systems at both state and local levels to locus on. • Outreach and assessment • Emergency shelters • Transitional facilities with supportive services • Permanent housing with supportive services • Homelessness prevention activities The idea is that homeless people will movealong this continuum of care from homeless,ness to lull independence or self-sufficiency, andpeople at risk of homelessness will be kept in their homes.'
AT- states have no $ to do the plan
States can find ways to pay for the counterplan
Jim Baumohl- policy analyst for National Coalition for the Homeless- 1996- Homelessness in America= page- 176
Many state councils plan to lobby their legislatures for new programs to address these problems. Some plan to pursue the development of state housing trust funds to assist the homeless, utilizing funds from a check-off on the state income tax form. Others plan to establish metropolitan and rural hotlines with local commuairy action agencies to assist homeless peoplein crisis situations. In some states efforts willbe concentrated on providing the rural homesless with outreach, transportation, and otherservices. Some states plan to encourage localdetermination of antlhomelessness services witha focus on "continuum" building (see below),including the prevention of homelessness andthe inclusion of homeless persons in mainstreamsocial service programs. States without coun•cils in place plan to create them in the future.However the character of future state initia-tives hinges on the outcome of plans to consolidate the federal McKinney Act housingprograms.
The money for the counterplan have already been allocated.
a. Money for state homeless programs comes largly from the Mckinlley- Vento Act
Jim Baumohl- policy analyst for National Coalition for the Homeless- 1996- Homelessness in America= page- 176
Homeless assistance programs funded under the McKinney Act have been the principal mon-etary resource for states, cities, and local non-profit organizations. The majority of McKinneyAct funds are administered by HUD throughseveral independent programs, each with sepa-rate appropriations and their own eligibility andreporting requirements. Each program requires a separate application, and except for ESG, allmake grants on a competitive basis.
b. Obama has just massively increased funding to this act. The counterplan would just fiat how the states spend that money, avoiding any link to spending or politics while solving all of the case harms
US Fed News Service- May 20, 2009- CONGRESS PASSES SEN. REED'S BILL TO HELP PREVENT HOMELESSNESS NATIONWIDE-. Online-http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1719306391&sid=2&Fmt=3&clientId=48453&RQT=309&VName=PQD
Congress today approved U.S. Senator Jack Reed's (D-RI) bill to help communities reduce homelessness nationwide. The Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing (HEARTH) Act of 2009 (S. 808) will provide $2.2 billion for targeted homelessness assistance grant programs; increase current levels of funding for homelessness assistance grants by $600 million; and allocate up to $440 million for homelessness prevention initiatives. It also expands the definition of homelessness in order to help families on the verge of becoming homeless and reauthorizes federal homelessness aid programs for the first time since 1989. "I am pleased that Congress has approved this legislation with bipartisan support and I look forward to having President Obama sign it into law. This bill will make a real difference in preventing more families from becoming homeless and allowing local communities to assist families in need. This bill invests $2.2 billion for targeted homelessness assistance grants and provides communities with greater flexibility to spend the money on programs that have a proven track record of success," said Reed, a senior member of the Banking Committee, which oversees federal housing policy. "This is a wise use of federal resources that will save taxpayers money in the long run by preventing homelessness, promoting the development of permanent supportive housing, and optimizing self-sufficiency." The HEARTH Act seeks to address this growing problem by reauthorizing the landmark McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987. It would simplify and consolidate three competitive U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) homelessness assistance programs into one program and allow more funding to flow to communities that can demonstrate a commitment to accomplishing the goals of preventing and ending homelessness. It would also: * Allow up to 20% of funds or up to $440 million dollars to be used to for homeless prevention initiatives. This new "Emergency Solutions Grant" program would allow cities and towns to serve people who are about to be evicted, live in severely overcrowded housing, or otherwise live in an unstable situation that puts them at risk of homelessness. * Require HUD to provide incentives for communities to implement proven strategies to significantly reduce homelessness. * Provide local communities with greater flexibility to spend money on preventing homelessness. * Expand the definition of homelessness, which determines eligibility for much of the homeless assistance funding, to include people who will lose their housing in 14 days (current practice is 7 days) and people fleeing or attempting to flee domestic violence, or other dangerous or life threatening situations.
CP Links- Non Profits Solve for Homelessness Better
Non-Profits solve better than the government for Homelessness- Louisiana proves
Louisiana Weekly- 6/22/09- Pilot program successful in reducing homelessness risk- Online- http://www.louisianaweekly.com/news.php?viewStory=1451
“We were happy with the overall results of this small-scale pilot program,” said Dr. Monteic A. Sizer, president and CEO of the Louisiana Family Recovery Corps. “We were able to assist the Louisiana Recovery Authority and the Department of Social Services utilize resources allocated for homelessness prevention while also gleaning critical data that will allow us to continue the development of a program that could ultimately be implemented statewide.” The Recovery Corps selected Catholic Charities of Baton Rouge as its non-profit provider agency for the pilot program. Specific assistance provided to participating families included employment assessments, access to social services and medical services, financial literacy training, and first-time homebuyer workshops. “It is extremely important that the non-profit sector continue to play the lead role in tackling the homelessness issue in Louisiana,” said Sizer. “The non-profit sector has the ability to efficiently access the many different types of services and resources from the non-profit, private, and governmental sectors that at-risk families need. A program led by a coordinating body which includes the Recovery Corps and various state and regional homelessness prevention organizations and is executed on the ground by high-capacity non-profits can provide services in a much more effective manner than can government agencies which, at this time, are not yet properly aligned and structured to have the intra-agency reach that programs such as these critically need. “Along with the expertise and experience offered by many state and regional homelessness prevention agencies that have been focused on the issue for years, the Recovery Corps can utilize its statewide and federal reach among the non-profit and governmental sectors and its access to state agencies and resources granted by Act 313 and various other working agreements to ensure a stronger, more unified program that works toward a strategic statewide approach in addressing the problem.”
Share with your friends: |