Inherency- obama has already Solved 3 Harms- other things cause homelessness 5
Philosophy of Homelessness – Kritik 1NC shell
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- The notion of Othering* conveys how this is not an inherent state but an ongoing process animated by the non-poor
- , the media, the legal system and policy-making
- The significance of shame and humiliation is not to be underestimated. They play an important role in maintaining inequality and social hierarchy
- The impact is both biological and ontological extinction of humanity. SIMONOVIC - Ph.D. in Philosophy - 2007
- considered not as a form of power relation but as a relation of violence.
Philosophy of Homelessness – Kritik 1NC shellLinks- First - THE POOR ARE OTHERIZED IN POLICYMAKING AND ACADEMIC RESEARCH LISTER– PROF LOUGHBOROUGH U- 2004 POVERTY, PAGE The notion of "the poor' as Other is used here to signify the many ways in which 'the poor' are treated as different from the rest of society. The capital *0' denotes its symbolic weight. The notion of 'Othering* conveys how this is not an inherent state but an ongoing process animated by the 'non-poor'. It is a dualistic process of differentiation and demar¬cation, by which the line is drawn between 'us* and 'them' -between the more and the less powerful - and through which social distance is established and maintained (Bercsford and Croft, 1995; Riggins, 1997). It is not a neutral line, for it is imbued with negative value judgements that construct 'the poor' variously as a source of moral contamination, a threat, an 'undeserving' economic burden, an object of pity or even as an exotic species. It is a process that takes place at different levels and in different fora: from everyday social relations through interaction with welfare officials and professionals to research, the media, the legal system and policy-making {Schram, 1995). Valerie Polakow, for example, describes how, in the US, schools, teacher training institutions and research institutes arc all 'implicated in the framing of poor children as other, and in institutionalizing the legitimacy of their otherness status' (1993: 150, emphasis in original). Othering is closely associated with, and reinforced by, a number of related social processes such as stereotyping, somatization and the more neutral categorization. Stereo¬typing is a discriminatory form of labelling, which attains a taken-for-granted quality and serves to portray particular social groups as homogeneous. It is a discursive strategy that magnifies and distorts difference (Riggins, 1997). Michael Pickering writes that 'stereotypes operate as socially exorcistic rituals in maintaining the boundaries of normality and legitimacy' (2001: 45). He suggests that normally 'stereotyp¬ing attempts to translate cultural difference into Otherness, in the interests of order, power and control' (2001: 204). In contrast, in the case of 'the poor', stereotyping functions to create cultural difference and thereby the Other. At the same time, as we saw in chapter 3, those groups who are more likely to be poor - women, racialized minorities and disabled people - are themselves groups that are frequently Othered. Second- The affirmatives focus on housing masks the more foundational issues in society that cause homelessness in the first place. Benedict Giamo & Jeffrey Grunberg- 1992- Beyond Homelessness - Frames of Reference – Page- _xi From the beginning of this project in January 1990, our belief has been that, in order to confront homelessness, we needed to transcend popular culture's incessant monologue on the topic. Repeatedly, the public has been told that homelessness presents three problems, which serve as solutions as well: housing, housing, and housing. Such single-minded slogans, though having a very real basis in the lack of affordable, low-income housing in this country, have foreshortened our perception of the homeless and have stunted our conversation about their problems. This masking of homelessness shapes individual and social perceptions alike. It influences how we see the problem, how we name it, and how we respond to it. In effect, it blinds us to the relationship between homelessness and other pertinent problems of American society: the questions and issues related to social change, class divisions, racial inequities, poverty amid affluence, alienation, and personal crises in living. Only by moving from a monologue to a dialogue will we be able to face some of these broader questions and issues. How effectively we deal with the problems of the homeless at this time in history will depend on just how well we recognize the frames of reference which we use to explainand, at times, to explain away homelessness. In the interest of going beyond such frameworks to sound out other voices, we have interviewed nine individuals who range across the humanities, social and medical sciences, and human services, all in an attempt to bring new ideas and outlooks into perspective and to challenge established misconceptions of the social problem. Such misconceptions, by the way, are apparent on both ends of the political spectrum. It is our hope that these conversations will stimulate debate on public policy and private initiative and lead to a more comprehensive sense of social reality and a reawakening of the moral imagination.
B. Implications- First is Self Dignity IMPACT – SELF DIGNITY LISTER 2004 – PROF LOUGHBOROUGH U POVERTY, PAGE Where the stigma of poverty is internalized, shame is a likely consequence (Goffman, 1968). As noted in the Introduction, participatory research in the South has underscored the centrality of shame and humiliation to the experience of poverty. Narayan et al. note that, because of the stigma associated with poverty in eastern Kuropc as well as the South, 'poor people often try to conceal their poverty to avoid humiliation and shame' (2000: 38). So too in some more affluent countries feelings of shame and experiences of humiliation are recurrent themes when people in poverty are asked what poverty and claiming welfare mean to them (Polakow, 1993; Kempson, 1996). Indeed, in a report of a visit to the UK, two community workers from south India, Stan and Mari Thekaekara, comment that 'the stigma attached to being poor is far greater here in the UK' and observe a strong 'sense of shame' (1994: 21). As Adam Smith recognized over two centuries ago, clothing, as a key signifier of relative poverty (see chapter 1), represents a visible badge of shame and humiliation (Gilroy and Speak, 1998; C. C. Williams, 2002). This is particularly so for children. Ridge's study of childhood poverty found that wearing the (unaffordable) appropriate, fashionable clothing is crucial to 'fitting in*, friendships and avoidance of both bullying and social exclusion. One child explained that 'if you don't wear trendy stuff... not so many people will be your friend 'cos of what you wear'; another that 'you've got to keep going with the trend otherwise you kind of get picked on' (Ridge, 2002: 68). This study and earlier research by Mid-dleton et al. (1994) underline the importance to children and young people of clothing as an expression of their emergent identities. More generally, the shame and humiliation associated with poverty can be particularly difficult to bear for this age group. Willow observes that discussions about poverty with children living in deprived areas were all 'woven with the threads of stigma and shame' (2001: 12). This is likely to be a contributory factor in the lower self-esteem of many children who have grown up in poverty (Krmisch et al., 2001; Ruxton and Bennett, 2002). The significance of shame and humiliation is not to be underestimated. They play an important role in maintaining inequality and social hierarchy. They are painfully injurious to identity, self-respect and self-esteem, in other words to how we feel about ourselves (Rawls, 1973; I lonncth, 1995). A participant in a UK Coalition against Poverty workshop describes what the loss of self-esteem feels like: 'You're like an onion and gradually every skin is peeled off of you and there's nothing left. All your self-esteem and how you feel about yourself is gone - you're left feeling like nothing and then your family feels like that' (UKCAP, 1997: 12). Shame and humiliation peel away self-esteem and negate the identity of many people who experience poverty. In his study of social identity, Richard Jenkins suggests that Goffman's analysis of stigma demonstrates how 'others don't just perceive our identity, they actively constitute it. And they do so not only in terms of naming or categorising, but in terms of how they respond to or treat us' (1996: 74). While labelling does nor determine identity in a fixed way, Jenkins argues that 'public image may become self-image. Our own sense of humanity is a hostage to categorising judgements of others' (1996: 57). Questions of identity have implications for the political agency of people in poverty; these will be explored in chapter 6. Here, I simply want to make a related link between iden- elected chairperson of a food co-op and of how other volunteers 'respected me and it gave me more confidence' (Holman, 1998: 45; see also Wood and Vamplew, 1999). According to John Rawls, self-respect is 'perhaps the most important primary good' (1973: 440). Sen (1999) identifies self-respect as a key functioning (see chapter 1) and its significance is explored in greater depth in the work of Nusshaum. She includes in her list of central human functional capabilities: 'having the social bases of self-respect and non-humiliation; being able to be treated as a dignified being whose worth is equal to that of others' (2000: 79). The achievement of this principle with regard to people living in poverty has implications not just for how they are treated in everyday social relations but also for the organization of society. This is acknowledged, in principle at least, in the 1998 French Law against Social Exclusion. Article 1 states that 'the struggle against exclusion is a national necessity based on respect for the equal worth of all human beings'. At European level, the EC has recommended that Member States should recognize the right to a level of social assistance sufficient to enable members 'to live in a manner compatible with human dignity' (cited in Veit-Wilson, 1998: 86). Second-
The impact is both biological and ontological extinction of humanity. SIMONOVIC - Ph.D. in Philosophy - 2007 (Ljubodrag Simonovic, Ph.D., Philosophy; M.A., Law; author of seven books, 2007, A New World is Possible, “Basis of contemporary critical theory of capitalism.”) The final stage of a mortal combat between mankind and capitalism is in progress. A specificity of capitalism is that, in contrast to "classical" barbarism (which is of destructive, murderous and plundering nature), it annihilates life by creating a "new world" – a "technical civilization" and an adequate, dehumanized and denaturalized man. Capitalism has eradicated man from his (natural) environment and has cut off the roots through which he had drawn life-creating force. Cities are "gardens" of capitalism where degenerated creatures "grow". Dog excrement, gasoline and sewerage stench, glaring advertisements and police car rotating lights that howl through the night - this is the environment of the "free world" man. By destroying the natural environment capitalism creates increasingly extreme climatic conditions in which man is struggling harder and harder to survive – and creates artificial living conditions accessible solely to the richest layer of population, which cause definitive degeneration of man as a natural being. "Humanization of life" is being limited to creation of micro-climatic conditions, of special capitalistic incubators - completely commercialized artificial living conditions to which degenerated people are appropriate. The most dramatic truth is: capitalism can survive the death of man as a human and biological being. For capitalism a "traditional man" is merely a temporary means of its own reproduction. "Consumer-man" represents a transitional phase in the capitalism-caused process of mutation of man towards the "highest" form of capitalistic man: a robot-man. "Terminators" and other robotized freaks which are products of the Hollywood entertainment industry which creates a "vision of the future" degenerated in a capitalist manner, incarnate creative powers, alienated from man, which become vehicles for destruction of man and life. A new "super race" of robotized humanoids is being created, which should clash with "traditional mankind", meaning with people capable of loving, thinking, daydreaming, fighting for freedom and survival - and impose their rule over the Earth. Instead of the new world, the "new man" is being created - who has been reduced to a level of humanity which cannot jeopardize the ruling order. Science and technique have become the basic lever of capital for the destruction of the world and the creation of "technical civilization". It is not only about destruction achieved by the use of technical means. It is about technicization of social institutions, of interpersonal relations, of the human body. Increasing transformation of nature into a surrogate of "nature", increasing dehumanization of the society and increasing denaturalization of man are direct consequences of capital's effort, within an increasingly merciless global economic war, to achieve complete commercialization of both natural and the social environment. The optimism of the Enlightenment could hardly be unreservedly supported nowadays, the notion of Marx that man imposes on himself only such tasks as he can solve, particularly the optimism based on the myth of the "omnipotence" of science and technique. The race for profits has already caused irreparable and still unpredictable damage to both man and his environment. By the creation of "consumer society", which means through the transition of capitalism into a phase of pure destruction, such a qualitative rise in destruction of nature and mankind has been performed that life on the planet is literally facing a "countdown". Instead of the "withering away" (Engels) of institutions of the capitalist society, the withering away of life is taking place. The Alternative is to Reject the affirmatives notion of povety and homelessness and to affirm EDKINS AND PIN FAT 2005 – PROF’S INT’L POLITICS U WALES AND U MANCHESTER THROUGH THE WIRE, MILLENNIUM, VOL 34 NO 1 This article seeks to explore the question, most starkly posed by Giorgio Agamben, of whether sovereign power can be challenged. By deploying readings of Agamben and Foucault that complement and illuminate each other, we propose that although sovereign power
power in this way, we argue, alongside Agamben, that challenges to it are available in two modes: first, a refusal to draw lines between forms of life; and, secondly, an assumption of bare life. The availability of these forms of challenge is illustrated by examining practices of lip sewing amongst refugees. In the end, the refusal to draw lines and the assumption of bare life seek to reinstate properly political power relations with their accompanying freedoms and potentialities. Directory: file -> view view -> Western Europe after wwii view -> Author study: paul fleischman view -> Qpa1 7ela study Guide view -> Arctic Oil/Gas Neg view -> November 1970 Approximately 150,000-500,000 deaths Bhola Cyclone Bangladesh view -> Grade Level: 6 Unit of Study: Caribbean glce view -> Citation: Duffield, Katy view -> Table of Contents Lesson # view -> Chinese Wind Energy Disad Download 350.73 Kb. Share with your friends:
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