Sustaining Trade Reform: Institutional Lessons from Argentina and Peru



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7.REFERENCES



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1 Banks (2011, p. 21).

2 This was one of the key findings of Finger and Nogués’ study (2006) of Latin American trade liberalization in the 1980s and 1990s. We were not however the first to observe this pattern. Bela Balassa, in his path-breaking study (1971) of trade policy in developing countries, observed that:

The existing system of protection in many developing countries can be described as the historical result of actions taken at different times and for different reasons. These actions have been in response to the particular circumstances of the situation, and have often been conditioned by the demands of special interest groups. (xv).

3 This is not to say that reform leaders saw the role of international organizations solely as a template for changing domestic policy management structures. They also saw international organizations as endorsements that would have influence in domestic politics – and here perhaps more the World Bank and the IMF than the GATT/WTO, particularly as the Bank and the Fund augmented their endorsements with money. It still follows that for the reforms to stick they would have to be – in ways taken up in this study – “institutionalized.”

4 Compare Douglass North (1990, p. 111), “There is nothing the matter with the rational actor paradigm that could not be cured by a healthy awareness of the complexity of human motivation and the problems that arise from information processing.

5 John R. Commons, one of the first practitioners of institutional economics in the US, emphasized this point; Rutherford (2001) provides an introduction to the work of earlier institutional economists.

6 North (1990 and 1991) elaborates this point.

7 Hodgson (1998 and 2003) elaborates this point.

8 Finger (2012) posits that the trade remedy process in the United States is evolving toward one in which importer interests have significant weight.

9 The Economist Intelligence Unit's "Democracy Index" ranks 167 countries; from Norway, at the top with an index value of 9.8, to North Korea, with an index value of 1.1. The United States ranks 19th, subject countries here, Argentina and Peru, rank 51st and 56th, respectively. However, the index values for Argentina and Peru differ from the value for the United States by less than the United States lags Norway.

10 When these reforms were put in place all of the countries except Mexico were already GATT contracting parties and hence had already accepted the international law obligations implicit in those rules.

11 Indeed, WTO rules on use of trade remedies provided less of a legal barrier against new protection that some of the reform leaders had hoped. Protection seekers, armed with briefs from Washington and Brussels experts, presented a solid argument that they were being denied protection that US and EC experience showed was acceptable under WTO rules.

12 North (1990, p. 40) refers to empirical work that suggests trade-offs among the various elements, i.e., the lower the price of one – of ideas, ideologies, convictions, or interests in terms of another – the more that one will weigh in decisions.

13 Henderson (1986, p. 10) also describes this phenomenon as “economic policy without economics.”

14 Williamson (2000) provides a useful taxonomy of levels of social structure and discussion of where “economics” tends to locate itself.

15 Knight (1992, p. 15)

16 We refer to the Agreements on Safeguards, on Subsidies and Countervailing measures and on Implementation of Article VI of GATT 1994 (the antidumping agreement).

17 Thus, as one can distinguish, analytically, between the formal and informal sectors of the economy, one can distinguish between the formal and the informal sectors of government.

18 The plan had been minimally implemented.

19 In Peru, the Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas (MEF) is responsible for developing the overall objectives economic policy and for guiding the execution of those policies.

20 Webb, Camminati and León Thorne (2006) provide a description of INDECOPI’s structure and functioning as well as of antidumping and safeguard procedures.

21 Here, the contribution of investigative journalism in trade liberalization likely has been under appreciated. Analyses of Australian liberalization often cite information brought forward by journalists, but we have found only one attempt to analyze the role they played; McCarthy (2000).

22 “Tariff changes,” likewise classified for the table as “formal” procedures, may not be made through formal processes. Dantas (2012) explained that neither Argentina nor Brazil have established participatory procedures for the tariff flexibilities they have frequently introduced in Mercosur. GTA does not identify which tariff changes are changes of MFN rates or of preferential rates.

23 Baracat, et al (fothcoming) provide many other examples.

24 Costs of this order to create jobs through trade protection are not unusual. Hufbauer and Lowry (2012) estimate, for example, that application by the United States of additional tariffs on imports of automobile and truck tires from China saved perhaps 1,200 jobs at a cost of US$900,000 per year per job.

25 Update 09 November 2012. Argentina has subsequently accepted requests from Australia, Canada, Guatemala, Japan, Mexico, Turkey, Ukraine and the United States to join these consultations. In August 2012 Mexico, Japan and the United States submitted separate requests for consultations. Submission of such additional requests is frequently a part of such consultations; it serves not to open separate consultations but to introduce additional legal points or concerns into the ongoing consultations.

26 The reform government in Argentina in the 1990s shared such an attitude.

27 The quote is from Argentina’s “Country Partnership Strategy” with the World Bank. World Bank 2009, Annex 1, page 6.

28 A “frame” refers to a conceptual structure involved with thinking. As a part of machine translation, identifying the “frame” inside which a sentence has meaning is an integral part of interpreting the meaning of the sentence. Take, for example, the sentence, ‘I am in the red.” If the “frame” is motor racing, the sentence is likely about a tachometer reading, indicating that too much is being demanded of an engine. If, on the other hand, the “frame” is business performance, the sentence is likely about a business doing badly. Unless a computer recognizes the frame of a passage being translated, it will not be able to distinguish between such alternative meanings of the sentence. Lakoff 2004 provides an introduction to this analysis.

29 Thomas Kuhn 1996 posits a similar stickiness in the shift from one scientific “paradigm” to another. Rather than the advancement of science being a continuous accumulation of concept and evidence, Kuhn sees that advancement as jumps from one paradigm to another, the acceptance of a new paradigm being something of a leap of faith to a new way of looking of things that eventually demonstrates itself to be productive. Such a shift, his analysis implies, has social (status) implications among scientists and these implications – as well as scientific evidence – influence the shifts.

30 A diehard might cite Milton Friedman to the effect that the accuracy of this assumption need not discredit the theory: “Viewed as a body of substantive hypotheses, theory is to be judged by its predictive power for the class of phenomena which it is intended to ‘explain.’” (Friedman, 1953, p. 8) See also the following footnote.

31 So much for the predictive power of the political economy of trade policy.

32 The first formal complaint under the WTO DSU in the “bananas dispute,” (over the EU import regime for bananas) was submitted in 1995. According to the WTO Secretariat’s classification system, the dispute has involved six different “cases” and as of the Secretariat’s most recent report, 24 February 2010, was still under way.

33 This paragraph generalizes in particular on the experiences analyzed in the recent compilation by Haddad and Shephard (2011). They include case studies of seven individual countries (Brazil, Chile, China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Mexico) plus regional analyses for Latin American and for Sub-Saharan Africa.

34 A referee’s comment on an earlier application of institutional economics to trade policy suggests an attitude that would be particularly unhelpful:

The paper could also be improved by acknowledging that there are sometimes good economic rationales for certain types of trade protection but that it is their abuse by policymakers (again acting in their own self-interest) that is the problem.

Based on this interpretation, the conversation would begin by telling country officials that they were abusing good economic rationales for their own benefit. It would likely end there as well.



35 Anderson, Cockburn and Martin (2012) provide a summary of and references to an extensive research output on the impact of trade protection on poverty. Even in the rural sector many lower income people, including farmers, purchase rather than produce a good deal of their food. The impact of protection on them as consumers often outweighs its impact on them as producers.

36 Levy (2011, p. 60) takes this up this point, voiced from the inverse perspective as “a country’s economic, social and political institutions cannot be re-engineered from scratch.”

37 Finger (2012).

38 De Bièvre and Eckhardt (2010). The general evolution of administrative law in the EU is taken up by Kelemen (2011). Kelemen argues that EU process is becoming more adversarial, but at the same time quite different from the way things are done in the United States.



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