Terrorism Impacts Terrorism — 1NC
Kumar 16 — Dr. Amit Kumar is the President of AAA International Security Consultants LLC, Virginia (USA) and a Visiting Fellow at the Society of Policy Studies, New Delhi. 2016 (“Stronger US-India Cooperation Critical To Counter Terror Financing –,” Eurasia Review, February 25, http://www.eurasiareview.com/25022016-stronger-us-india-cooperation-critical-to-counter-terror-financing-analysis/, Accessed 07-15-2016, AB)
Unfolding itself in a variety of ways, the menace of terrorism is being fed and furthered by money and material from across the world. To this end illicit monetary exchanges (through hawalas and other clandestine means) and production and circulation of counterfeit currency in abetting terrorism and other forms of extremist violent activities is significant. This article puts forth recommendations on the issue of counter-terrorism finance (CTF) both at home and abroad and the ways to curb this grave challenge.
With charity beginning at home, needless to say that it is India – which has been the unfortunate target of many terror strikes ever since its independence – that one ought to begin with. Thus, the Government of India may like to designate individuals under its domestic sanctions listing provisions relating to UN Security Council Resolution 1373; currently only proscribed entities are listed under the relevant Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) provisions. Given the lack of effective implementation of sanctions measures under UN Security Council 1267 and its successor resolutions, domestic sanctions of individuals and entities under UNSCR 1373 may be a more feasible option. With the laws in place, it will be significant to streamline them not only at the central and state levels, but also to iron out the discrepancies that can (and which indeed have) emerged between them. Despite the intersection and overlap of terrorist financing and money laundering activity and the fact that terrorist financing under Indian statute is a predicate offence to money laundering, Counter Terrorist Finance and Money Laundering Expertise is presently resident under two separate agencies, namely the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and Enforcement Directorate (ED) respectively. The government may like to form an interagency group comprising the NIA, ED, and other law enforcement agencies at the central and state levels wherein the NIA may take the lead in investigating terrorist financing activity while the ED may take the lead in money laundering investigations. Apart from an urgent need for intra-federal cooperation between the center and the Indian provinces, the Government of India and the state governments may need to fund extensive capacity building /training efforts in equipping law enforcement personnel with state of the art skills in investigating, identifying, tracing, and prosecuting terrorist financing activity. This is critical given the rather low rates of prosecution and conviction for terrorist financing crimes at present. The salience of financial institutions in curbing the circulation of counterfeit currency and other illicit mints is immense. Currently a number of banks and other financial institutions are under investigation for money laundering activity by the ED. To ensure that banks are not tainted with funds relating to terrorist financing activity, terrorist financing investigations conducted by the NIA may need to look in addition into the potential misuse of banks and other financial institutions for placing, layering, and laundering terrorist funds. Robust two-way information sharing between FIU-IND and Law Enforcement Agencies is necessary to improve the quality of financial intelligence collected by the FIU-IND from financial institutions as well as to develop near reliable terrorist financing indicators or typologies which could then be shared with banks and other financial institutions. The government may like to continue to encourage such two-way information sharing. Given the breadth of the issue, it would be wise for a country like India to learn from the counter terror mechanisms that have been put in place by nations like the USA. In the same breath, it will be critical for countries like US to keep a major economic giant and emerging power like India in tow when defining and churning measures to check rising terrorism and the means that make it possible for it to be exported to different parts of the world. Thus, a Centre for US-India Counterterrorism Cooperation to strongly advocate India’s unique counterterrorism needs and perspectives in the US Congress, US media, and the US security industry should be established on an urgent basis. Another valuable purpose of setting up this Centre would be to encourage foreign direct investment into India by US counterterrorism equipment and hardware manufacturers and in due course to the manufacture of such equipment and hardware in India. The mere hiring of lobbying firms in Washington DC or the institution of Joint Working Groups (JWGs) does not by itself appear to be producing any major traction in tangibly advancing India’s counterterrorism interests in the US; this Centre would add great value to the existing JWG mechanism and not work at cross-purposes to it. A challenge that has become graver since 9/11, terrorism and its proliferation through illicit money exchanges and counterfeit currency circulation are issues that have left no part of the world untouched by their presence. Given the expanse of the concern involved, while it would certainly take more than a handful of measures to nip them in the bud, a strong beginning will certainly go a long way in addressing the issue.
Terrorism — Links US-Indo ties crucial to counterterrorism.
Ladwig 15 — Walter C. Ladwig III, Lecturer in International Relations, Department of War Studies at King’s College London, 2015 (“Relations between the US and India Look Better Today,” The Telegraph, January 24, Available Online at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/india/11366903/Relations-between-the-US-and-India-look-better-today.html, Accessed 07/20/16, JZ)
America and India have also both supported the Afghan government and opposed the spread of the Taliban. India desires to see a continued American military presence in the country and the US is increasingly aware of the role that India can play in contributing to stability in that fragile state. Finally, both India and the United States share a concern about terrorist attacks against their homeland or interests overseas. Cooperation between the US and India on counter-terrorism issues has deepened significantly since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, and is characterised by frequent exchange visits and intelligence sharing. Convergence of policy priorities is matched by an institutionalisation of defense cooperation. Since 2002, India has conducted more joint military exercises with the United States than any other country. A defence pact signed in 2005 has facilitated the training of military personnel, missile defense collaboration and arms sales, as well as opening the door to joint weapons production. Consequently, in 2013, the US displaced Russia as India’s top weapons suppler.
US India ties key to counterterror
Dhume 16 — Sadanand Dhume, master's degree in international relations from Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a non-profit, non-partisan public policy research organization based in Washington, DC, 2016. (“U.S.-India relations: Balancing Progress and Managing Expectations,” American Enterprise Institute, May 24th, Available Online https://www.aei.org/publication/u-s-india-relations-balancing-progress-and-managing-expectations/, Accessed 07-21-2016, aqp)
Military exercises are also growing in complexity. Last year, Japan joined the U.S.-India Malabar naval exercises as a permanent member. Since 2012, India has also participated in PACOM’s Rim of the Pacific Exercise (RIMPAC), the world’s largest international maritime warfare exercise. Thanks in large part to the efforts of Defense Secretary Ashton Carter, the Defense Technology and Trade initiative also shows promise as the two countries move toward co-production and co-development on six projects spanning protective clothing for soldiers to aircraft carriers.
In fighting terrorism, too, the U.S. and India face common challenges. But as pluralistic societies they also share experiences of managing the threat. Although it houses the second largest Muslim population in the world, India shows relatively few signs of homegrown radicalization. Barely a few dozen Indian Muslims have signed up to fight for the Islamic State, compared with several thousand from Western Europe.
US India cooperation key to engage in counter terror operations
Riedel 15 — Bruce Riedel, 30 years service at the Central Intelligence Agency including postings overseas in the Middle East and Europe. Riedel was a senior advisor on South Asia and the Middle East to the last four presidents of the United States in the staff of the National Security Council at the White House, 2015, (“Strengthening Counter Terrorism Cooperation Against Growing Turmoil,” Brookings, January 2015, Available online at http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2015/01/20-strengthening-us-india-counterterrorism-cooperation-riedel, Accessed 7/15/16)
The other newcomer is the Islamic State (IS), the heir to al Qaeda in Iraq, which proclaimed the creation of a caliphate in summer 2014. Led by Abu Bakr al Quraishi al Hashemi al Baghdadi, also known as Caliph Ibrahim, the IS has attracted fighters from across the Islamic world to come and join it in Iraq and Syria. Several Indian Muslims have joined the IS and pro-IS propaganda has been distributed in India and Pakistan. Parts of the TTP have voiced support for Baghdadi. Al Qaeda has denounced the caliphate as illegitimate and renounced any connection to Baghdadi and his group. Zawahiri and Baghdadi are rivals for leadership of the global jihad and competing for the loyalty of jihadists around the world, including in South Asia. Against this unfolding transition and turmoil Obama and Modi should reaffirm their commitment to closer counter terrorism and intelligence cooperation. Much has improved since 2008 when the U.S. and United Kingdom had intelligence on the Mumbai plot but failed to share it with India and failed to analyze it properly themselves. LeT is now a priority for both Washington and London. There is little evidence however in the public domain that any new substantial progress has occurred since Obama’s September visit. Certainly none of the safe havens for terrorists in Pakistan have been dismantled. The two sides should provide a read out during the January visit on what has been accomplished in fulfilling the promises of the September 2014 joint statement. Obama should send his Central Intelligence Agency director to New Delhi to further improve cooperation, just as he did after the confirmation of Leon Panetta as director of the Agency in his first term. Obama and Modi should also upgrade efforts to stabilize Afghanistan after the withdrawal of most NATO forces. Some limited steps have been done in the past in police training but more is necessary. India should consider sending military field hospitals and personnel to help the Afghan Army as it did in the Korean War in the 1950s to support the United Nations forces. It should also help train and equip the Afghan air force, an area that NATO has been remiss in addressing robustly. Obama should rescind his decision to withdraw all U.S. forces by 2017 and commit to a long-term advisory role. Pakistan remains the heart of the issue. The U.S. just hosted a visit by COAS General Sharif and Indians will be interested in hearing American impressions of him (expect some cynicism about his commitment to fight terror, especially LeT). Obama and Modi should compare notes on Pakistan’s support for terrorism. They should also address the blow back in Pakistan to the Peshawar massacre. They should encourage a no tolerance policy by Prime Minister Sharif while recognizing his limitations. They should look for opportunities to encourage Pakistan to take action against all groups, especially LeT. They should make clear that any substantial improvement in ties hinges on action on LeT while making clear that serious action to destroy the group will get Pakistan serious dividends. But they should also plan for the worst. Another LeT attack on India is probably only a matter of time. The interception of a boat carrying arms on New Year’s Day may have been a LeT plot. An attack during the President’s visit is a very real possibility. President Clinton’s visit in 2000 was marred by a major LeT attack on Sikhs in Kashmir. Washington and New Delhi should have some idea of what the potential consequences of such an attack might be. This is not a matter of ganging up on Pakistan or trying to pressure it in advance, rather it is prudent crisis planning and coordination. It might be wise to involve others, like the United Kingdom, in such discussions. If all this seems too sensitive for public officials, then it can be put in the hands of think tanks and former officials to study with a mandate to report to their governments.
India-US relations growing and leading to co-op on issues like counterterrorism, but now optimal now – perception of China as a threat keeps relations alive
Southerland et al 14 — Matthew Southerland, Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs, 2014 (“China-India Relations: Tensions Persist Despite Growing Cooperation,” USCC, http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/Staff%20Report_China-India%20Relations--Tensions%20Persist%20Despite%20Growing%20Cooperation_12%2022%202014.pdf, December 22nd, accessed 7/20/16) WP
India probably would support more robust bilateral training and security activities with the United States in areas such as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, search and rescue, noncombatant evacuation, maritime reconnaissance patrol, counterterrorism, counterpiracy, and counter proliferation. 111 Moreover, while the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force conduct training and exchanges with their Indian counterparts, there are no institutionalized strategic dialogue mechanisms between them. India may be open to establishing such a mechanism to facilitate broader cooperation and collaboration in areas of mutual interest such as counterinsurgency, stability in Afghanistan, and Chinese military developments.112 Despite the potential for enhanced military and security activities, India likely will continue to balance its desire to partner with the United States with its longstanding goal of “strategic autonomy” and its concern that closer U.S.-India ties could antagonize China and upset India-China relations.113 Furthermore, concerns about the United States’ reliability and memories of U.S. sanctions on India after its nuclear tests in the late 1990s hamper Indian officials’ trust in the United States. Some Indian officials are also concerned a stronger U.S.-India security relationship would be unequal, with India playing the role of a junior partner. 114 India’s growing perception of China as a threat is driving New Delhi to strengthen military ties with some U.S. allies and associates in the Asia Pacific region, * including Australia, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam. India also may be motivated to develop closer security relations with other countries in the region to hedge against a potential decline in U.S. military and economic influence and to avoid being overly dependent on Washington for its regional security needs. • In the past decade, India has significantly expanded its defense partnerships with countries in the Asia Pacific region, primarily through increased participation in bilateral and multilateral military exercises. After signing an upgraded Defense Cooperation Agreement in 2003, India and Singapore have held regular joint military exercises. 115 India and Japan began conducting bilateral exercises in 2012 and Japan joined the U.S.-India Malabar exercise in 2009, 2011, and 2014.116 India and Australia are planning their first bilateral maritime exercise in 2015. Additionally, India has taken a leading role in training Southeast Asian navies, particularly those of Burma and Vietnam.117
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