The U. S. Must be first with the space elevator in order to maintain superiority in space Kent 07

The US is the world's foremost space power today, but this position is not assured in perpetuity. Of all the nations in the world, the US is the most reliant on space, and is therefore the most vulnerable to the disruption of its space assets - a weakness China fully intends to exploit in the event of a conflict. Furthermore, the US's quest for full spectrum dominance in the space arena represents a power tactic challenging China's core national interests. Given the US threat to China's security, it is hardly surprising that Beijing's military doctrine is shaped to counter the US effort. A recent example of this doctrine was China's anti-satellite (ASAT) test in January, 2007, which represented something of a wake-up call for the US. Furthermore, China's reckless act in low Earth orbit (LEO) represented a high-leverage, asymmetric threat with the potential to inflict a highly disproportionate impact on US military capability and security. Since many US space-based assets serve both civilian and military users, their destruction, and even the threat of their destruction, could have devastating economic and military consequences, ultimately wreaking havoc on the US and global economy. Against this background, it is inevitable concerns are being raised by military theorists and space analysts.

US is vulnerable to Chinese ASATS – Reliance on Satellites


Seedhouse, 10 (Eric, Med. Science PhD, The New Space Race: China vs. The US, JG)

For example, "Is a space doctrine emerging in China, and if so, what are its contours?"; "Is China developing a preemptive strategy?"; and "What is the role of deception in Chinese military space strategy?" Chapter 3 addresses these questions while steering clear of the blogosphcre-based misinformation that seems to seethe around the subjects of space doctrine and strategy. While it is necessary to establish a doctrine for fighting in the harsh and unforgiving space environment, the best national strategy in the world is of no value without space assets, without which doctrine cannot be implemented. The advanced space hardware of the US comprises a complex network of space-based command, control, communications, and surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities that form the key to American combat operations, as evidenced in Operation Desert Storm. These assets, however, are relatively soft and mostly defenseless, and, while they embody the very nature of American military might and power, they are also the source of deep vulnerability - a weakness the Chinese military recognizes. To that end, the Chinese are developing conventional weapon systems designed to disable American satellites and destroy US ground stations. In Chapter 4, US and Chinese space hardware is described and comparisons made between current and future space weapon systems, ranging from American and Chinese ASAT capabilities to direct attack and directed-energy weapons. Given the inordinate American dependence on its space assets and the perceived asymmetric advantage of China's counterspace program, the US is pursuing a strategy aimed at responding to asymmetric warfare by continuing to utilize its military dominance to deter and defeat adversaries. This tenet of space dominance is addressed in Chapter 5, which explains how the US will defend the High Frontier and how China's intentions to match the US may ultimately and inevitably fall short.

Impact Accidental War

Regaining leadership key to decrease risk of accidental space conflict.

MacDonald 8 (Bruce W., senior director of the Nonproliferation and Arms Control Program with the USIP Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention, “China, space weapons, and U.S. security”, Council on Foreign Relations, http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=

o0GkabrNftIC&oi=fnd&pg=PP2&dq=USChina+Space+Race+for+Resources&ots=OTkneA1pzZ&sig=ZNn15blP7hbdiwS4E0EjD98Rr44#v=onepage&q&f=false) OP
The United States faces a serious challenge as its military and economic prowess increasingly depend upon space infrastructure that grows more vulnerable as worldwide space technology advances, especially in China, While the United States will likely remain the preeminent space power at least for the next twenty to thirty years, it will no longer enjoy the level of near monopoly on military space capability that it has enjoyed since the fall of the Soviet Union. As China becomes a credible space power with a demonstrated offensive counter-space capability, the question for U.S. policy is what kind of feasible and stable space regime best serves U.S. long-term security interests. This question should be addressed early in the new administration's tenure, if not earlier.

The fundamental U.S. security interest in the wake of China's 2007 ASAT test should be deterring China and others from attacking U.S. assets in space, using both a combination of declaratory policy, military programs, and diplomacy, and promoting a more stable and secure space environment. At the same time, the United States and China should both pursue diplomatic options to increase clarity and minimize misunderstanding on space-related matters, and reduce the chances of accidental conflict. This comprehensive mix of military and diplomatic measures is more likely to achieve U.S. space and larger national security objectives than either by itself.

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