Tibetan Monastic Traditions

When exploring the musical traditions of Tibet, there are a few common threads among the readily available sources and accounts. While the height of the Tibetan empire occurred during the eighth century of our era, much of what will be discussed here in regards to music was not documented prior to that. The predominantly Buddhist region and its peoples are well-accustomed to a variety of instruments and monastic musical traditions. With the storied past of political unrest and human rights issues in the region, it is no wonder that religious tradition runs deep. While there is secular music, and folksong tradition as well, in the Tibetan realm of music, I have chosen to take a more narrow and directed approach to my studies. Within this writing, I have focused exclusively on the monastic traditions of Tibetan music. Differences exist among the various monasteries, both indigenous and abroad, when it comes to tradition and practice of music. These differences can even be exhibited from within a single monastery, depending on the ideology of the current head of the monastery and the teachers within. Because of these differences, I have had to take what is common between them and present the information with as much accuracy as possible. These common threads are evident through the variety of sources I was able to procure from libraries throughout the region. Within this writing, I will present information on three distinct, yet entirely related topics. It is not possible to speak about the music of the Tibetan monastic tradition without also speaking briefly at moments about Buddhism and Tibetan Buddhism specifically; therefore I will attempt to approach these somewhat foreign principles and beliefs with a sensitive and understanding mindset. Initially, I will describe the variety of musical instruments used in monastic music tradition, with physical descriptions, discussion of their construction, mythology of the instrument, and playing techniques. Secondly, I will discuss the musical notation of the Tibetan region, presenting examples from Tibetan texts, and the differences with Western notation styles. Finally, I will describe the way in which chant is performed according to monastic tradition around the world within Tibetan Buddhism, taking into account specific chant traditions and examining one in great detail.

Within the musical world of Tibetan monasteries, we find the same families of instruments that exist in the Western world: aerophones, membranophones, and idiophones. There are also cordophones, but their use is mainly limited to secular music.¹ While cordophones are not used in Tibetan monastic music, they have been suggested as an important piece of Buddhist symbolism at an early time, especially the lute, or sGra-snyan.² Many of the instruments I will talk about have roots or traditions in other Eastern territories, such as India, China, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Mongolia, as those regions were active with one another during different periods.³ We will firstly discuss the three most commonly used instruments from the family of aerophones in the monasteries. The first instrument of interest it the Dung Kar, also known as the conch-shell trumpet. The conch-shell trumpet is linked in legend to the King of the Nagas. Nagas are serpent demi-gods whom reside in the Tibetan “Heaven of the Four Great Kingdoms. The earliest recorded use of the conch-shell trumpet in Tibet comes from a Chinese text recounting the administrative history of Tibet during the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries. It is an instrument recorded as having been used in India as early as five centuries prior to that.⁴ The most common uses of the Dung Kar are during religious ceremonies, especially as a processional signal for monks to enter the hall.⁵ Traditionally, there are two ways to perform on the conch-shell trumpet. The first is one long blow (Chig-oo), decreasing in intensity and volume as it proceeds. The second is a series of three long blows (Sum-oo); the first tapers off much like the first technique, the second and third have a burst of volume in the middle of the blow before dying off.⁶

The next instrument of the aerophone family is the Dung Chen, or long trumpet. It is the longest of the Tibetan aerophones, and can reach lengths beyond four meters. It is once again mainly used for processions, but differs from the Dung Kar in that it also has a solo repertoire and is also sometimes played in an alternating fashion with the Tibetan oboe, which I will not be discussing for brevity sake. It can be played inside or outside the halls of the monastery.⁷ The long trumpet is also used as a drone instrument during some Tibetan Buddhist chant, going along with a drum to give meter.⁸The Dung Chen is possibly the most well-known instrument of Tibet to the outside world, and may be recognizable in the photograph below (Figure 1). According to the lamas, the sound of the trumpet is said to resemble the deep boom of the legendary elephants which stand watch over corners of the world. Since there are no elephants in Tibet, this points to a similar Indian origin like the Dung Kar, also in the eighth century according to texts.⁹ The Dung Chen is made of white metal, silver, brass, or copper. Sometimes it is gilded and often has highly ornamented joints. There are three pitches which are primarily used by players; low to high these are Dor, Gyang, and Ti. Each of these pitches is created with a similar embouchure to Western brass instruments, tightening the lips as you move to a higher pitch.¹⁰

Figure 1: The Dung Chen in monastic use.¹¹

The final aerophone, and the one most closely related to monastic chant in particular, is the Kang Ling, or human thighbone trumpet. Unlike the other two instruments discussed thus far, this trumpet can occasionally be used to mark the end of sections of certain chants.¹² The Kang Ling is used for a variety of purposes, including dispelling unwanted spirits.¹³ The horns are said to resemble the neighing of a horse, in this example a mystical horse which carries the faithful on to paradise after death. This evokes a Mongolian tradition and coincides with lore of much of East Central Asia. The thighbone trumpet supposedly hold mythic powers, including aiding in promotion of fertility and averting storms. The thighbone should come from a person of either a very high, or very low, caste. It could also come from someone who has died a violent death. These conditions must be met for the instrument to gain its magical powers.¹⁴ Materials for the construction of this instrument were easy to attain, as the traditional method of burial in Tibet was the cutting of the corpse and feeding the bodies to vultures and other carnivores.¹⁵ Good quality thighbone trumpets are made from the bone of someone who died with healthy bones. If a person were to die due to leprosy or starvation, the bones are unsuitable because of a lack of marrow, causing issues with resonance. There are instances where the instrument is not a bone at all, and instead is made of metal or wood. In Buddhist tradition, this instrument is related to the guardian deity Mahakala, who is the Lord of Death. It is also depicted in the possession of the Mistress of the Cemetery.¹⁶ When playing the instrument, it is blown into from the left corner of the mouth and vibrato is desired. We again see the three blow technique, or Sum-oo, as we did with the Dung Kar. This is the most frequent technique for the thighbone trumpet, and an example of the three blows along with the internalized syllables is shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2: The Sum-oo technique for the Kang Ling.¹⁷

Moving away from the aerophones, I will now discuss one prominent member the membranophone family, and two members of the idiophone family of instruments, all of which are frequently used in conjunction with monastic chant. The first instrument to be examined is the Damaru, or double-faced tambourine. This drum is used as the main method for counting beats during chants, as seen in Figure 3.¹⁸ The Damaru has many variants, but there are consistencies which exist between all of these. The two halves are always hemispherical, and are very often made with human skulls. The bodies of the two parts are hollow and two strikers are attached by a cord on the middle part of the drum. All variants are played by holding it in the right hand and either spinning the wrist, or with just the thumb and forefinger, depending on the size of the drum.¹⁹ The head of the drums is often made with lizard skin, and more rarely with human skin.²⁰ The skulls chosen for construction of the instrument are of special interest, much like the bones chosen for the Kang Ling. They should be from people who were killed or died in an accident. A more interesting note is that using the skulls of two children of eight years old, or those born of incest, are thought to have stronger magical properties affixed to them.²¹ Figure 4 displays an example of the Damaru. It may be evident now that many instruments are credited with mystical powers. Tibetan Buddhism differs from Buddhism in the West in part through this heavy belief in the mystical and magical arts. This partly comes from the Bön religion, which was indigenous to Tibet. This religion was well-versed in the beliefs of magic and mysticism, and celebrated magicians and sorcerers alike. As Buddhism became more popular it assimilated some of the traditions and beliefs of Bön and created a unique sect of Buddhism in Tibet.²² This is generally the case when religions or cultures collide throughout history.

Figure 3: Example of Damaru beats in a selected chant.²³

Figure 4: Illustration of a Damaru.²⁴

The first idiophone to be discussed is the Dril Bhu, a hand-bell. This bell is sometime found in variants which create a series of smaller bells that are attached to the Damaru for chant rituals.²⁵ It is most often paired with a Dorje, which is a small scepter that does not act as an instrument, but rather as part of the pair. These two items in a pair are crucial to several rituals in monastic tradition, including the Drilbü Choga where each lama holds both a Dril Bhu and a Dorje to call for peaceful deities. As a pair, these two pieces represent Method and Wisdom. The Dril Bhu is often highly ornamented and symbolizes body, speech, and mind. The top portion of the bell symbolizes the mind, and has five spikes representing both the Five Wisdoms and Five Certainties.²⁶ When performing certain chants, practitioners will use the Dril Bhu, Damaru, and Kang Ling in conjunction.

The second and final idiophone, as well as the final instrument to be covered is one of the most prolific: the Rölmo, or cymbals. The Rölmo can vary in size from about 20 centimeters to 50 centimeters in diameter. They are all made of a compound known as Li, which is a combination of gold, silver, zinc, copper, and bronze. Better quality cymbals have a higher concentration of silver and gold, which smoothens the timbre. The cymbals are held horizontally, and played vertically, with the left hand not moving. The upper cymbal, held in the right hand, strikes the stationary cymbal held in the left hand and below the right-hand cymbal. The upper cymbal is tuned slightly lower than the bottom cymbal, and represents the male aspect. The cymbal in the left hand therefore symbolizes the female aspect.²⁷ Rölmo are used in nearly all ceremonies within the monastery halls. During important rituals, the master of ceremonies plays the cymbals as a means to conduct the ritual. The Rölmo indicate tempo and rhythm, and even if the master is making a mistake everyone must follow them. This is a clear example of the importance of the cymbals in Tibetan monastic tradition. Another symbol of this importance is that the Rölmo represents both the peaceful and wrathful aspects of Buddhism, bringing them together as one to work in unison. However, as a pair they are considered to represent the wrathful deities, warning of the danger of wrath overcoming peace if we are not mindful.²⁸ Certain texts are very specific about how the cymbals should be held and played, and others are less so. Teachings from the Mindroling tradition suggest a four finger distance between cymbals, but another tradition suggests that a cat should be able to pass between them. The movements when playing should not be sporadic and intense like the movements we see with Western cymbals, but rather relaxed and effortless.²⁹ It is apparent after researching these instruments that tension when doing anything in music is discouraged in this tradition. Because of the materials used in their creation and the varying sizes of the Rölmo, the overtones produced by striking the cymbals are quite interesting. The high pitches produced are capable of filling the halls of the monastery with a wash of noise and color, and it is unfortunate that even now it is very difficult to capture this effect on audio recordings.³⁰

Figure 5: Example of Tibetan Buddhist vocal chant notation.³⁹

Figure 6: Musical notation for Dung Chen from Kagyüpa Monastery.⁴⁰

Figure 7: Musical notation for Dung Chen from Sakyapa Monastery.⁴¹

When speaking of Tibetan vocal chant, we are mainly speaking of Yang (literally ‘tune’). With most chant in Tibetan tradition, the voice sings slowly and with a deep, guttural action. It is possible that you have heard this style of chant referred to as throat-singing or throat-chant. It is very recognizable by its sound and the multiple tones produced, as sometimes the voice is able to produce a fourth or fifth partial tone through great exertion of force.⁴² A lot of the research into this style of chant and Tibetan monastic traditions in music comes out of the Mindroling monastery, which is a monastery following the Nyingmapa school of Buddhism. It is widely thought of as one of the best centers for music in the Tibetan tradition.⁴³ The origin of the Yang chants is unknown, but it is assumed that centuries ago there was a major cultural exchange between Tibet, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, along with many years of Greek influence. There have been similarities drawn between Tibetan scripts and those of Byzantium.⁴⁴ When students in the monastery are moving to learn Yang, it is done through imitation and repetition. Occasionally, a student or teacher working to learn a particularly difficult Yang may take more than a month of endless work to master it. After completing the course in Yang to the satisfaction of his teacher, the student is given the Yang Yig (notation of Yang), to assist in memorization of the tunes.⁴⁵ Refer back to Figure 5 from before to see this notation again. Because the notation is less specific than Western notation about rhythm and pitches, each performance from any number of performers can be completely different, yet entirely the same. This idea will be explored in greater detail later.

One tradition from the greater Yang landscape is the Gcod (literally ‘cutting’) tradition. Gcod has been in existence since the start of the twelfth century. This tradition differs from other Tibetan liturgical chant in that it is meant to be performed by a single person rather than by a group of monks. Due to this, in part, Gcod has transcended sectarian lines within the various schools of Buddhism, and is practiced by Buddhists all over the world.⁴⁶ The Gcod tradition takes its name into practice in a couple of different ways. In one way, the chants of Gcod require intense, and very vivid, visualizations to be undertaken. Some of these visualizations involve dismemberment of their own bodies and offering them up to the Gods and Goddesses through carrion birds and demons as a sacrifice.⁴⁷ Another is the figurative cutting through impure thoughts while practicing the chants of Gcod. Practitioners who are less experienced or who have not reached great heights of enlightenment or ascension may find it necessary to cut their thoughts more frequently.⁴⁸ This will be discussed in greater detail in a later section where we discuss one specific chant and its performance and visualizations. While some of the visualizations and practices of Gcod may seem to have roots in human sacrifice or even cannibalism, the idea of meditating on the impermanence of the body and human existence is a practice undertaken by Buddhists of all sects, regardless of geographical location. Even the use of human bone instruments comes into practice from Indian Tantric Buddhism.⁴⁹

As I have just made mention of instruments, I will discuss their use in the Gcod tradition. I have made an effort previously in this writing to describe in great detail all of the instruments I will discuss here; the Kang Ling (thigh-bone trumpet), Dril Bhu (hand bell), and the Damaru (double-sided drum). Firstly I will discuss the use of the Kang Ling. The thigh-bone trumpet is associated with the Buddhist concept of impermanence as previously mentioned. The sound it produces is based on the mantra used to make the sound. For example, the peaceful Om will result in a long and pleasant melody, while others may produce more fierce and unpleasant sounds. This is shown in Figure 8. The Dril Bhu is held in the left hand during most Gcod chant, while the Damaru is played in the right hand. The Damaru keeps the beat steady while the Dril Bhu sounds along with the drum, though not with every strike.⁵⁰

Figure 8: Sounds of the Kang Ling.⁵¹

Within Gcod practice, there are three versions of chants based on three texts. The short chant is only a matter of two pages in length, while the longest chant is one hundred pages of text. When the middle-length text is performed, it takes approximately one hour to complete the performance, depending on the performer and varying even between performances by an individual practitioner. The shortest text is generally memorized and recited in emergency occasions, such as when a monk would encounter someone dying or finding himself without his Gcod texts. The longest text is only used for special occasions, while the middle-length text is the one most often used in individual practice.⁵² This middle text has a complete set of visualizations and sections referred to as Phet sections. This is what we are most concerned with when discussing this chant in particular, because these sections are what determine the length of the chant and the voraciousness of the voice throughout the chant. The Phet sections are also one of the guiding factors in how the chant is performed overall by a particular practitioner on a particular occasion. To understand why this is, we must first discuss how the syllable Phet is used within the chant, as well as the structure of this particular Gcod chant. There are seven sections of the Gcod in which the practitioners sing only the word Phet.⁵³ While Tibetan monks do not refer to these as Phet sections, and no notational evidence of them exists in the text, researchers generally use this term, therefore I will do so as well. During the chant, at the end of each Phet section, monks may blow on the Kang Ling, but it is not absolutely required. The Damaru is used to mark the meter of the chant and continues for its duration all the way through. Rather than Phet being annotated in the text, it is completely absent. It is not sung on any specific melodies or in any officially regulated manner, but rather is sung or called out spontaneously depending on the spiritual and conscious needs of the performer at the time. The pitch of the utterance does not signify any religious meaning or purpose.⁵⁴ The question at hand is what determines the quality and frequency of occurrence for each Phet if it is not any preset regulation governing the syllable.

One factor which determines how the chant proceeds is how much enlightenment has been attained by the practitioner. There are three levels of faculties available depending on those levels; lesser, mediocre, and superior faculties. More experience performers would be able to handle the mediocre and superior faculties in a shorter amount of time, while less enlightened monks may need to continue using the lesser faculties. In the first Phet section of the middle-length Gcod chant, the practitioner is required to complete a series of visualizations. There are seven stages of this first series of visualizations, which require the performer to push two Bindus (pea-like objects of mystical fluid), from one body position to the next, using only their mental prowess and concentration. These seven positions are, in order: the soles, genitalia, navel, heart, throat, crown of the head, and the Machig Labdron above the crown (an imagined source of light). These seven stages each represent a realm of existence, from the hell realm to the liberation from suffering.⁵⁵ The intensity of the Phet syllabled sung in this section reflect the intensity and speed with which the performers are moving the Bindus. If they sing and move them too slowly, impure thoughts may disturb his mind and concentration, requiring an even more guttural and accented Phet to reel the mind back in. A specific practitioner commented on the fact that he finds it more difficult to transition the Bindus to a higher position, such as from the heart to the head, because of the natural inclination to believe it requires more energy to travel to a higher position, even if the Bindus do not truly exist. This mental image and effort is reflected in the intensity of the Phet. This is an example of the true “cutting” nature of Gcod traditions, utilizing the syllable Phet to cut through their thoughts and keep them on task, as well as using the syllable as a force with which they complete their visualizations.⁵⁶ Recall that during this process, the Damaru and Dril Bhu are continuing to sound. This continues in the second Phet section.

In the second Phet section of this chant, practitioners need to begin by releasing their awareness in the form of the female deity Vajrayogini. This deity has many ornaments and decorations on her body, and the monks must visualize these all in great detail, in addition to body color and body features. This requires tremendous patience and deep meditation and concentration, resulting in a very elongated Phet from most performers during this beginning phase of the second section.⁵⁷ This is in stark contrast to the short, sharp, accented Phet usually present in the first section, bringing to light a reason for the uniqueness of these chants. As this second visualization section continues, practitioners will transport themselves to Mount Meru where they sacrifice their bodies, turning them into nectar, washing away their impurities and faults, and allowing themselves to be transported again to a higher plane as steam which fills the realm of space. These visualizations are very vivid and can take a considerable amount of time. The second Phet section is usually marked by these slowly moving, and softer utterances of the syllable. There is often a long period of silence at the end of this section as the performers feel relaxed with a clear mind.⁵⁸ In one instance recorded by a researcher, one performer found himself allowing his mind to drift near the end of this visualization, and he destroys these thoughts with a loud, forceful Phet. This is shown in Figure 9, which recounts every utterance of Phet from this practitioner during the chant. During the third Phet section, there are no visualizations required, however it is a more difficult section of chant because the monk must practice keeping their mind completely clear and pure. Thoughts will occur naturally during this section, and require a Phet to end them, as the mind becomes more free and clear, the Phet will become less audible as noted in Figure 9. Phet section four requires performers to visualize a further sacrifice of their bodies to gods and demons in a feast offering. The fifth, sixth, and seventh Phet sections, the performer dedicates himself to becoming mindful, as well as finishing all visualizations from the previous Phet sections as well as the actual text of the chant.⁵⁹

Figure 9: Analysis of Phet sections.⁶⁰

The structure of this chant overall depicts a common theme in all the liturgy of Tibetan Buddhism, in that it follows the formula of motivation, sacrifice, and dedication.⁶¹ There are a great number of visualizations required in any number of chants in the liturgy, and these can deal with any tenet of Tibetan Buddhism. Within Tibetan Tantric tradition, there are one hundred aspects of Buddhahood, split into forty-two peaceful aspects and fifty-eight wrathful aspects. Within these two subsets of aspects, there are a number of other categories of peace and wrath⁶², bringing the total number of possible visualizations that could be required of you to an almost unthinkable number. When you then account for the fact that throughout the Gcod chants, the Damaru and Dril Bhu are continuously being played, it is a remarkable feat that these practitioners are able to continue to release their thoughts and carry on these vivid and sometimes horrific visualizations through the mere utterance of a single syllable. These chants are regarded by highly ascended persons as the finest vocal music, and this is without any sort of consistency in performance.⁶³ We can take lessons from the Gcod traditions of Tibetan Buddhism, and apply them to our study and practice of Western music as well. The kind of research I have made use of for this writing highlights the intimate relationship that can be developed between our minds and the music we create. Performers of Tibetan chant do not practice for adoration or for beauty of execution, but for deeply meaningful and spiritual reasons.⁶⁴ I have not studied before a more thoroughly interwoven relationship between spirituality and music. We can also see in the Tibetan tradition the influence of the teachings of Confucius from around 500 B.C. in China, continuing a long line of Chinese influence on the Tibetan region which carries over into the turmoil of today. Confucius was said to be able to understand a performer’s personality by listening to their music, and that is certainly still the case with Tibetan Buddhist vocal music. We can listen to a performance of a Gcod, and understand the current consciousness and feeling of the performer through the intensity and length of their Phet.⁶⁵

The study of Tibetan Buddhist monastic traditions with regard to music can dig deeply into any number of topics. There is a whole separate side to monastic music where instrumental music in concerned, but for the sake of brevity and focus of mind, I chose to only commit my studies into instruments, notation, and vocal chant. These three areas of the musical tradition are so tightly connected that it is difficult to separate one from the other. We have discussed, in depth, the Dung Kar, Dung Chen, Kang Ling, Damaru, Dril Bhu, and Rölmo. I have made an effort with those instruments to document how they are played, what they represent in mythology or religious practice, and how they are created and with what materials. Instruments are used in chant, while notation assists students learning to recite and memorize the song books. I have also presented a description of how inconsistent the notational system is in the tradition of Tibetan music, and examples of those differences. It is very difficult to create accurate Westernized transcriptions of Tibetan monastic music. I have also made an effort to thoroughly explore the traditions of the Gcod, along with diving deeply into one specific chant to describe the free musical expression that is possible within these vocal chants. Students of Tibetan monastic music are studious and devout followers of their way of life, and this is evident in the practice and effort they give their craft. Through the study of the musical traditions of other cultures away from our own, we can begin to understand other cultures and ways of thinking, creating a more harmonious world in which to live. I believe that is the teaching of Tibetan music at its very core: music is not about showing off or claiming fame, but it is about releasing oneself of negative thought and fostering a mindset of unity, mindfulness, and understanding.

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