Without enforcement, Congress will backlash against other areas of immigration
Margin 7 - Warner-Booker Distinguished Professor of International Law and Class of 1963 Research Professor, University of Virginia. The author served as General Counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service from 1995 to 1998, and many of the opinions voiced here derive from that first-hand experience with immigration enforcement, as well as a quarter century of scholarly work in the field
(David, “EIGHT MYTHS ABOUT IMMIGRATION ENFORCEMENT,” Legislation and Public Policy, 10)//BB
I have focused here on enforcement, and I definitely want to see∂ the United States develop an effective, balanced, and well-designed∂ enforcement system, over a five- to ten-year time frame, centered∂ around workplace verification and follow-up, though bolstered by effective∂ border policing. Enforcement, for the reasons I have indicated,∂ is a crucial component of reform. No combination of guestworker∂ provisions or legal migration expansion, short of virtual open borders,∂ will obviate or even reduce the enforcement requirement. Without effective∂ enforcement, demagoguery and polarization on immigration∂ will persist and eat away at generous legal immigration provisions.∂ But enforcement is not really the most important focus for our current∂ immigration reform debate. Instead it is merely a means—a crucial∂ means that must be well-crafted and well-implemented—toward a∂ greater objective.
Illegal enforcement is key to political support for high-skilled migration---key to the economy
Margin 7 - Warner-Booker Distinguished Professor of International Law and Class of 1963 Research Professor, University of Virginia. The author served as General Counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service from 1995 to 1998, and many of the opinions voiced here derive from that first-hand experience with immigration enforcement, as well as a quarter century of scholarly work in the field
(David, “EIGHT MYTHS ABOUT IMMIGRATION ENFORCEMENT,” Legislation and Public Policy, 10)//BB
The greater objective is to reform our laws so that we as a nation∂ can best take advantage of the benefits of immigration in the twentyfirst∂ century. After all, we have at our disposal a huge and globally∂ rare asset, because, by tradition and self-image, we are a nation reasonably∂ comfortable with high levels of legal immigration. We readily∂ admit one million persons a year for legal permanent migration,113∂ and, in my opinion, the citizenry would tolerate a higher level if there∂ were wider assurance that illegal migration has come under control.∂ Our nation struggles with ongoing problems of discrimination and excess,∂ to be sure, but viewed on the world scene, the United States is∂ one of only a handful of countries that has been reasonably successful∂ in welcoming immigrants, providing real opportunity, and making∂ good use of the restless talent of those who come to take up a new life.∂ Immigration is important to this nation’s economy, its scientific advancement,∂ and its artistic and cultural richness.114 We need to get∂ enforcement right so that we can preserve, nurture, and expand these∂ national advantages.
High-skilled immigration is key to the economy---avoiding the amnesty debate is key to passage
Marin 15 – formerly the 41st Treasurer of the United States and is co-chair of the American Competitiveness Alliance
(Rosario, “Rosario Marin: Immigration reform should focus on common ground, not partisan differences,” http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/opinion/2015/01/21/rosario-marin-immigration-reform-should-focus-on-common-ground-not-partisan/)//BB
While I have had tactical differences with the President, I believe that now the President has acted unilaterally to allow some 5 million undocumented individuals to stay in the U.S., the new GOP Congress has a political opening to sidestep the “amnesty” debate and focus on bipartisan areas that unite the party. After all, as long as this President remains in office, attempts to roll back his executive actions will prove fruitless.∂ Encouraging more workers to come to America, both in high-tech and STEM fields as well as agricultural, construction, hospitality and other sectors where there are shortages, is a win-win for Republicans and the U.S. economy.∂ - Rosario Marin∂ I strongly believe that Republicans must defend their record as the party of opportunity for all those who work hard and play by the rules. They can do this while also helping to grow the economy by passing legislation aimed at loosening restrictions on our antiquated guest-worker programs, both for highly skilled workers including in the critical STEM fields (science, technology, engineering and mathematics), and for lower skilled workers in key sectors such as agriculture, construction and hospitality.∂ Our economy has been moving in the right direction, with a declining unemployment rate and faster GDP growth. But as the Federal Reserve reports in its most recent “Beige Book” survey of current economic conditions, a tight labor market still exists in many parts of the country that is holding back our business’ ability to expand, in sectors including trucking, computer programming, manufacturing, construction and energy. Our businesses across the country clearly still face a “skills gap” between the jobs they need to fill and the available pool of workers, a gap that will only get larger in the coming years. According to the Conference Board, America faces a two-pronged problem of a skills gap combined with an aging population that will steadily erode the working-age population.∂ To help alleviate these shortfalls, Washington can take a huge step forward by reforming our outdated visa programs for temporary workers, known as H1B visas for foreign skilled workers; H2As for agricultural workers; and H2Bs for non-agricultural temporary and seasonal workers. The H1B program has an 85,000 annual cap, first set in 1990; to put that in perspective, the government received 172,500 applications last year, or more than double the available slots. The H2B program has a 66,000 annual cap, also set in 1990, which routinely is exceeded to the point where Congress regularly has to step in and provide temporary relief.∂ There are bipartisan efforts on all of these fronts that can and should be dusted off in the 114th Congress. First, on skilled workers lawmakers should look to measures like the “Immigration Innovation Act of 2015,” already introduced this year by Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and others that would immediately increase the H-1B cap to 115,000 (with no cap for those with advanced degrees from U.S. institutions) with the potential to rise as high as 195,000 based on demand. A House bill introduced by Judiciary Chairman Robert Goodlatte would immediately set the cap at 195,000, though within that figure is a 40,000 set-aside for STEM graduates. Importantly, neither bill contains harmful restrictions on visa-dependent information technology companies such as those contained in the Senate-passed immigration bill that would severely limit which employers can hire the best available foreign skilled workers.∂ For agricultural workers, the Senate-passed bill and another measure introduced by Chairman Goodlatte are good places to start. Both bills would create new visa categories that would allow farmworkers to stay in the U.S. for longer periods, providing more certainty for businesses, while enabling some undocumented aliens to eventually qualify for legal status. For other temporary workers, the Senate-passed bill would exempt returning seasonal workers from the annual 66,000 H2B cap, while creating a new visa category for longer-term temporary workers that would fluctuate between 20,000 and 200,000 workers per year. With the exception of a 15,000 annual cap on construction workers, these are common sense changes to temporary worker visa policies that can and should be adopted.∂ Our Republican Party can avoid getting stuck in the quagmire of amnesty politics if we stick to economic themes that we all support and which can garner bipartisan support; by doing so Republicans show we know how to govern and reject the politics of division that will play into our opponents’ hands in 2016. Encouraging more workers to come to America, both in high-tech and STEM fields as well as agricultural, construction, hospitality and other sectors where there are shortages, is a win-win for Republicans and the U.S. economy.
The #1 priority for conservatives is border security- reducing it is a non-starter for any reform
Fahrenthold, Reporter, 4/23 [David, Why Rubio is running away from the most prominent item on his résumé. [online] Washington Post. Available at: http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/how-marco-rubio-misjudged-himself-on-immigration-reform/2015/04/23/b81010ea-dca6-11e4-a500-1c5bb1d8ff6a_story.html [Accessed 26 Jun. 2015].]
Now, with his presidential run underway, Rubio has changed his mind about the bill he helped to write. He says he would not support it today. Too big. Tried to do too much at once. Instead, Rubio wants to break the reforms up into smaller bills, starting with increased enforcement on the border.“What I’ve learned is you can’t even have a conversation about that until people believe and know — not just believe, but it’s proven to them — that future illegal immigration will be controlled,” Rubio said at the Conservative Political Action Conference this year. After the border is secured, he said, Congress can start talking about what to do with those already here.
Border security is a prerequisite to passing multiple compromise bills that would increase high-skilled immigration
Gingrich, Former House Speaker, ’14 [Newt, 11/19 Speaker of the House 95-99, House Minority Whip 89-95, Washington Times, NEWT GINGRICH: Solving immigration, one step at a time. [online] The Washingtion Times. Available at: http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2014/nov/19/newt-gingrich-solving-immigration-one-step-at-a-ti/?page=all [Accessed 26 Jun. 2015].]
If there is to be any hope of passing real reform on immigration, the right approach is not to jam every solution into one bill, but to work on seven or eight small bills, each with a discrete purpose and a broad coalition of supporters. Such a process will enable Congress and the American people to verify that the president is enforcing the laws in good faith before passing the more contentious components of a compromise.∂ Securing the border has to be the first step and the prerequisite for additional reforms. Any proposal that does not begin with enforcing the law and re-establishing control over who does and does not enter the United States is a nonstarter.∂ There’s no excuse for the national security and humanitarian disaster that is our southern border. There are 240,000 employees at the Department of Homeland Security. There are 70,000 Homeland Security agents and officers. That’s enough to station 36 officers along every single mile of the U.S.-Mexico border. There are, in addition, about 450,000 Americans serving in the National Guard (about 230 for every mile) who could be sent to the border on a temporary basis.∂ The president has all the authority he needs to secure the border today, so the first bill Congress should pass is a simple measure giving the president whatever resources he reasonably believes are required to accomplish it. At the same time, Congress should establish objective metrics for verifying when the border is secure.∂ Once these standards are met, Congress should advance other important reforms in separate, easily understandable bills.∂ We should fix our visa system to stop sending home highly skilled people who want to stay and contribute to the United States. We should make it easier to deport people who have committed crimes or violated the terms of their visas. We should make English the official language of government so speaking the common language remains part of what it means to be American (since language is an essential part of what ties a nation together).
Strictest border reform bill in history still didn’t pass because it didn’t go far enough- you will make absolutely zero progress by loosening the border
Przybyla ’15 [Heidi, 3/6, Bloomberg.com/politics, Boehner Shouldn’t Expect Pelosi’s Help on Immigration Policy. [online] Available at: http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-03-06/boehner-shouldn-t-expect-pelosi-s-help-on-immigration-proposals [Accessed 26 Jun. 2015].]
The first step to a comprehensive immigration policy in the Republican Congress is a border-security plan. Many Republicans insist on a practically airtight border before creating employment rules for low- and high-skilled workers. In January Boehner had to cancel a vote on a bill that would require securing heavily trafficked border areas within two years, construction of 27 miles of new fence, and creation of a biometric identity system for all points of entry to the U.S. Conservatives balked because the measure, H.R. 399, didn’t include increased immigration enforcement within the U.S. The conservatives’ stance “made absolutely no sense,” said Peter King, a New York Republican on the House Homeland Security Committee. “It would have been the strictest border-security bill in the history of Congress,” he said. “It’s going to be tough” to do anything this year, King said. Piecemeal Approach Passage of a border-security measure could create momentum among Republicans for other immigration legislation. Yet what Republicans are calling piecemeal action is what Democrats consider “anti-immigrant,” said Representative Zoe Lofgren of California, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary immigration and border subcommittee.
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