Plan-specific Link: Cuban Ethanol [2/3] 310
3) Incentives for sugar-based ethanol will be given huge political scrutiny by Republicans due to controversy surrounding Obama’s other energy loan guarantees.
SPECHT, 12
[Jonathan, Legal Advisor for Pearlmaker Holsteins, Inc. B; J.D., Washington University in St. Louis; “Raising Cane: Cuban Sugarcane Ethanol’s Economic and Environmental Effects on the United States,” 4/24, http://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/issues/36/2/specht.pdf]
The RFS called for production of 6.5 million gallons of cellulosic ethanol in 2010 (lowered from an earlier target of 100 million gallons). 129 That target was not met, and no cellulosic ethanol was blended into gasoline in the second half of that year. 130 Cellulosic ethanol production has slowly begun to develop in the United States, with the first commercial-scale cellulosic ethanol plant under construction as of the end of 2012 and scheduled to begin operations in 2013. 131 However, the further growth of cellulosic ethanol production may be slowed by political developments in the United States. 132 The first commercial refinery of this type was made possible by a $105 million federal loan guarantee from the Department of Energy. 133 Despite President Obama’s re-election, his administration may be reluctant to make further such guarantees in the wake of the Solyndra scandal 134 and greater scrutiny of Department of Energy actions by Republicans in the House of Representatives. 135
4) The corn industry is very politically powerful and only supports domestic ethanol production.
SPECHT, 12
[Jonathan, Legal Advisor for Pearlmaker Holsteins, Inc. B; J.D., Washington University in St. Louis; “Raising Cane: Cuban Sugarcane Ethanol’s Economic and Environmental Effects on the United States,” 4/24, http://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/issues/36/2/specht.pdf]
The degree to which the federal government decided to support the cornbased ethanol industry may have reflected more on the industry’s ability to influence national politics than on its merits as an endeavor. “The emergence of corn as the primary feedstock for U.S. ethanol is the product of its abundance and political prowess.” The domestic ethanol industry has very strong ties to one region of the United States, the Midwest. More than eighty-five percent of U.S. ethanol bio-refineries are in the twelve states of the Midwest, the premier corn growing region of the United States. According to the most recent data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration, there are 172 ethanol plants in the Midwest and just twenty-two plants in all other regions of the United States combined. U.S. corn production is concentrated in the Midwest, with just Iowa and Illinois together providing about one third of the annual United States crop.
Plan-specific Link: Cuban Ethanol [3/3] 311
5) Obama cannot bypass Congress on ending the embargo, and any attempt to would still cause a fight on other issues.
NEW YORK TIMES, 12
[Damien Cave; “Easing of Restraints in Cuba Renews Debate on U.S. Embargo”, 11/19, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/20/world/americas/changes-in-cuba-create-support-for-easing-embargo.html?pagewanted=all#h[]]
In Washington, Mr. Gross is seen as the main impediment to an easing of the embargo, but there are also limits to what the president could do without Congressional action. The 1992 Cuban Democracy Act conditioned the waiving of sanctions on the introduction of democratic changes inside Cuba. The 1996 Helms-Burton Act also requires that the embargo remain until Cuba has a transitional or democratically elected government. Obama administration officials say they have not given up, and could move if the president decides to act on his own. Officials say that under the Treasury Department’s licensing and regulation-writing authority, there is room for significant modification. Following the legal logic of Mr. Obama’s changes in 2009, further expansions in travel are possible along with new allowances for investment or imports and exports, especially if narrowly applied to Cuban businesses. Even these adjustments — which could also include travel for all Americans and looser rules for ships engaged in trade with Cuba, according to a legal analysis commissioned by the Cuba Study Group — would probably mean a fierce political fight. The handful of Cuban-Americans in Congress for whom the embargo is sacred oppose looser rules. When asked about Cuban entrepreneurs who are seeking more American support, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the Florida Republican who is chairwoman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, proposed an even tighter embargo.
Plan-specific Link: Critical Immigration [1/2] 312
1) Attempting to bridge racial differences with immigrants is politically contentious and will cause huge controversy.
JOHNSON, 98
[Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at
Davis School of Law; “AN ESSAY ON IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, AND U.S./MEXICO RELATIONS:
THE TALE OF TWO TREATIES;" 5 Sw. J. L. & Trade Am. 121]
Political roadblocks, including differences of race, barred the contemplation of any agreement facilitating labor migration between the United States and Mexico.NAFTA's failure to address immigration is consistent with the longstanding refusal of the United States to allow for the admission of economic migrants and efforts under the U.S. immigration laws to restrict the migration of the poor. Fears of mass migration unquestionably strike fear into the hearts of many in the United States. Differences of class, culture, language, and physical appearance all contribute to the perception that Mexican citizens are of a different "race." Such differences contribute to calls for restrictionist measures. As commentators have observed, cultural differences between the United States and Mexico cause difficulty in commercial relations. One can expect even greater controversy when the discussion turns to the migration of persons - not capital, income, products, and services - who differ from the Anglo norm in this country.
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