Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [1/6] 482
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- 2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [2/6] 483
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2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [1/6] 4821) Role of the Ballot: A) Challenging racism is the foremost ethical action. The only way to combat the hidden privileges of Whiteness is to affirmatively privilege the Mexican-American “Other.” Voting for our project de-legitimizes White privilege by exposing the racist logic that underpins it. MARTINEZ, 97 [George, Associate Professor of Law, Southern Methodist University; “The Legal Construction of Race: Mexican-Americans and Whiteness;" 2 2 Harv. Latino L. Rev. 321]
[Sylvia R. Lazos, Justice Myron Leavitt Professor of Law, William S. Boyd School of Law; “FOREWORD: EMERGING LATINA/O NATION AND ANTIIMMIGRANT BACKLASH;" 7 Nev. L.J. 685 2006-2007] Portes notes that children of recent immigrants are "growing up in an environment of extreme disadvantage."' As LatCrit has long recognized, schools are key institutions that can either neutralize such extreme disadvantage or make it worse. As Brown vs. Board of Education noted, no other social institution has as its core the mission of providing children with the tools for their civic assimilation and incorporation." Because education is so critical to helping the second generation achieve its version of the American dream, LatCrit scholars, Charles Calleros," Margaret Montoya, Michael Olivas, and this author have devoted significant time and effort to working with local community leaders to improve local K-12 education systems. Other LatCrit scholars, like Guadalupe Luna and Leticia Saucedo have, prior to their academic careers, played an important role in litigation efforts to improve educational opportunities for Latino children. LatCrit has influenced education scholarship because LatCrit theory provides a useful frame of analysis." It is through knowledge and critique that individuals can come to understand what changes need to be made. Thus, an academic discipline, such as education, could become less "racist," or less biased toward the White racial experience in its assumptions, norms, and established practices. Educators must always be asking whether practices that educators of good faith have established and fashioned generation after generation are racially and culturally biased. In this year's conference, organizers created a LatCrit track for education scholars in which over ten papers were presented. Lindsay Perez Huber and Maria Malagon have memorialized their presentation in the Symposium's contribution, Silenced Struggles: The Experience of Latina and Latino Undocumented College Students in California. The article addresses the challenges that Latina/o students, many of whom are first and second generation students, face in California's K-12 public education system. Latina/o students often leave the school system at critical junctures and fail to realize their dream of an education. Perez Huber and Malagon provide useful documentation of critical transition spots in the educational pipeline and suggest strategies that can positively affect academic success. Perez Huber and Malagon also document the individual struggles of undocumented students, estimated in California to be between 5000 and 8000, trying to make it through the system. Family support, financial assistance, and a welcoming campus environment are key areas where these students need help. Educators and institutions can, through their actions, communicate "si se puede," (yes we can) as Perez Huber and Malagon demonstrate. The second LatCrit Education symposium contribution, Be Careful What You Ask For: Educacion Para Toda/os, the Perils and the Power, deals with the backlash climate that students experienced at the University of Utah when the Utah legislature was considering whether to charge in-state tuition to undocumented immigrant students. The authors use narrative scholarship to explain how all Latina/o students were racialized during this period. This contribution usefully documents the dynamics of racialization of Latina/o students through student interactions, debates in public spaces, student newspaper coverage, and classroom settings. This piece provides yet more evidence, if it is needed, to support the proposition that there is a strong relationship between how the majority culture constructs Latinalo identity and immigration legal issues, and it does so by poignantly documenting how the immigration debate impacts Latina/o youth in educational settings, which should be "safe" spaces for them. 2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [3/6] 4842) Deconstruction of legal doctrine fails – legal reform is futile until underlying racism is surfaced and discussed. JOHNSON, 2000 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “RACE MATTERS: IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY SCHOLARSHIP, LAW IN THE IVORY TOWER, AND THE LEGAL INDIFFERENCE OF THE RACE CRITIQUE;" 2000 U. Ill. L. Rev. 525 2000] None of this should be read to suggest that the race immigration scholars have all the answers. Far from it. Although ivory tower immigration law scholarship fails meaningfully to engage race, some minority critics have not engaged the complexities of immigration law. Put differently, race theorists distrustful of "the law" generally have not spent much time trying to unravel immigration doctrine. Not surprisingly, mainstream immigration scholars focused on doctrine and critics, disdainful of it, may feel as if they have little in common. A curious problem for critical race theorists scrutinizing immigration law revolves around their distrust of the legal system.' Much critical scholarship questions the efficacy of law in bringing about social change, though an emerging strand of analysis moves beyond this in an attempt to blaze a new path. Critical analysis of legal doctrine can show how the law obscures racial motives and impacts. It is important to avoid simple deconstruction but to engage doctrine to reveal that immigration law, although wrapped in facial neutrality, may have concrete racial impacts, intended or not. 2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [4/6] 4853) Racism is the root cause of inequality, not globalization. Only adopting a racial lens can break down problems like oppression. HARRINGTON, 9 [Deborah, president of the Woods Fund, “Announcing Woods Fund of Chicago's Racial Equity Core Principle” 9/09, http://www.woodsfund.org/site/epage/87264_735.htm] The Woods Fund of Chicago believes that structural racism is a root cause of many challenges facing less-advantaged communities and people and serves as a significant barrier to enabling work and eradicating poverty. The Woods Fund encourages and supports organizations, initiatives, and policy efforts that lead to eliminating structural racism. Success in this area will be evident when there is equal distribution of privileges and burdens among all races and ethnic groups, and when a person's race or ethnicity does not determine his or her life outcomes. Woods Fund will support organizations that pay disciplined attention to race and ethnicity while they analyze problems, look for solutions, and define and document success. Ideally, these organizations will incorporate an analysis of structural racism into all aspects of their operations. Woods Fund is committed to raising awareness in the philanthropic community to support this work. The first sentence of our mission statement reads, "The Woods Fund of Chicago is a grant-making foundation whose goal is to increase opportunity for less advantaged people and communities in the metropolitan area, including the opportunity to shape decisions affecting them." For over fifteen years, our foundation has made over $45 million dollars in grants to nonprofits in advancing social change through community organizing and public policy development, and promoting community building through the arts. Our primary goal of poverty alleviation is achieved through engaging people in civic life, reducing racism and helping advance more effective public policies and other barriers to equal opportunity. Our grant-making portfolio tells the story of an independent foundation that uses its modest resources in the pursuit of social justice and economic fairness. Throughout this journey we have upheld the ever-challenging and central tenant of participatory policy development. This value continues to shape the lens through which we conduct our business and fosters a profound regard for the wisdom of those most directly affected by the issues to inform the decision-making process. We firmly believe such decision-making results in authentically rich solutions of greater relevance and sustainability. Remnants of structural racism permeate every aspect of our society and influence many issues, in particular poverty alleviation, which our foundation attempts to reduce through its grantmaking. According to Grantcraft, "... a ‘racial equity lens' brings into focus the ways in which race and ethnicity shape experiences with power, access to opportunity, treatment and outcomes, both today and historically". The Woods Fund of Chicago has chosen to employ a racial equity lens and adopt this core principle to help our foundation think more intentionally about addressing inequities both internally, within the communities in which we operate, and beyond. We have grappled with the process to make racial equity a component of our practice. This action is natural evolution of our ongoing leadership, growth and development as a learning foundation. We believe that by incorporating a racial equity lens into our guidelines and criteria, in some small way we can begin to model and promote racial equity practices within our own foundation and the greater philanthropic community. 2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [5/6] 4864) No Link: Their arguments are about historical examples where the U.S. used Latin America during the Cold War. There is no Cold War going on now, and we are only responsible for what the plan does and not what bad people in the past would have done with the plan. If we win that we solve our Harms, that justifies voting Affirmative. 5) Permutation: Do the plan and enact the alternative. Incorporating critical theory into foreign policy is necessary to provide new insights to both sides. ALVAREZ, 97 [Jose, Professor of law, University of Michigan School of Law; “CRITICAL THEORY AND THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE AGREEMENT'S CHAPTER ELEVEN;" 28 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 303 1996-1997] The application of critical race insights to issues involving U.S. foreign relations is likely to benefit both international lawyers and traditional race critics, albeit for different reasons. In critical race theory, international lawyers will find liberation from the prevailing state-centric and positivist modes of analysis that now dominate our field. Traditional race critics, who have usually stopped at the water's edge,1 may discover that U.S. foreign policy decisions replicate some of the familiar patterns of many domestic U.S. laws. Race critics may find it illuminating that what the U.S. government does, by way of treaty, serves to entrench or even exacerbate racial and ethnic divides within other nations-as well as within our own. 2AC Frontline [Critical Immigration]: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [6/6] 4876) Singular instances of criticism like their alternative cannot combine to overcome capitalism because different identities and demands will cause micro-struggles, and the over capitalist system is strong enough to withstand small challenges. CARROLL, 10 [William,founding director of the Social Justice Studies Program at the University of Victoria; “Crisis, movements, counter-hegemony: in search of the new,” Interface 2:2] Just as hegemony has been increasingly organized on a transnational basis through the globalization of Americanism, the construction of global governance institutions, the emergence of a transnational capitalist class and so on (Soederberg 2006; Carroll 2010) – counter-hegemony has also taken on transnational features that go beyond the classic organization of left parties into internationals. What Sousa Santos (2006) terms the rise of a global left is evident in specific movementbased campaigns, such as the successful international effort in 1998 to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI); in initiatives such as the World Social Forum, to contest the terrain of global civil society; and in the growth of transnational movement organizations and of a ‘democratic globalization network’, counterpoised to neoliberalism’s transnational historical bloc, that address issues of North-South solidarity and coordination (Smith 2008:24).As I have suggested elsewhere (Carroll 2007), an incipient war of position is at work here – a bloc of oppositional forces to neoliberal globalization encompassing a wide range of movements and identities and that is ‘global in nature, transcending traditional national boundaries’ (Butko 2006: 101). These moments of resistance and transborder activism do not yet combine to form a coherent historical bloc around a counter-hegemonic project. Rather, as Marie-Josée Massicotte suggests, ‘we are witnessing the emergence and re-making of political imaginaries…, which often lead to valuable localized actions as well as greater transborder solidarity’ (2009: 424). Indeed, Gramsci’s adage that while the line of development is international, the origin point is national, still has currency. Much of the energy of anti-capitalist politics is centred within what Raymond Williams (1989) called militant particularisms – localized struggles that, ‘left to themselves … are easily dominated by the power of capital to coordinate accumulation across universal but fragmented space’ (Harvey 1996: 32). Catharsis, in this context, takes on a spatial character. The scaling up of militant particularisms requires ‘alliances across interrelated scales to unite a diverse range of social groupings and thereby spatialize a Gramscian war of position to the global scale’ (Karriem 2009: 324). 
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