Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
AC Frontline: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [1/6] 476
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- 2AC Frontline: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [2/6] 477
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2AC Frontline: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [1/6] 4761) No Link: Their arguments are about historical examples where the U.S. used Latin America during the Cold War. There is no Cold War going on now, and we are only responsible for what the plan does and not what bad people in the past would have done with the plan. If we win that we solve our Harms, that justifies voting Affirmative. 2) Permutation: Do the plan and enact the alternative. Incorporating critical theory into foreign policy is necessary to provide new insights to both sides. ALVAREZ, 97 [Jose, Professor of law, University of Michigan School of Law; “CRITICAL THEORY AND THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE AGREEMENT'S CHAPTER ELEVEN;" 28 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 303 1996-1997] The application of critical race insights to issues involving U.S. foreign relations is likely to benefit both international lawyers and traditional race critics, albeit for different reasons. In critical race theory, international lawyers will find liberation from the prevailing state-centric and positivist modes of analysis that now dominate our field. Traditional race critics, who have usually stopped at the water's edge, may discover that U.S. foreign policy decisions replicate some of the familiar patterns of many domestic U.S. laws. Race critics may find it illuminating that what the U.S. government does, by way of treaty, serves to entrench or even exacerbate racial and ethnic divides within other nations-as well as within our own. 3) Fiat is Good. Our position is that the Affirmative gets to claim advantages based off of the fiated implementation of topical plan. The Negative gets to claim a competing policy option. Advocating a personal movement is a voting issue for competitive equity and education because there are an infinite number of unpredictable movements, and the Negative could shift the framework in every debate, undermining competitive fairness and eliminating clash and the incentive for substantive research. 2AC Frontline: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [2/6] 4774) Singular instances of criticism like their alternative cannot combine to overcome capitalism because different identities and demands will cause micro-struggles, and the over capitalist system is strong enough to withstand small challenges. CARROLL, 10 [William,founding director of the Social Justice Studies Program at the University of Victoria; “Crisis, movements, counter-hegemony: in search of the new,” Interface 2:2] Just as hegemony has been increasingly organized on a transnational basis through the globalization of Americanism, the construction of global governance institutions, the emergence of a transnational capitalist class and so on (Soederberg 2006; Carroll 2010) – counter-hegemony has also taken on transnational features that go beyond the classic organization of left parties into internationals. What Sousa Santos (2006) terms the rise of a global left is evident in specific movementbased campaigns, such as the successful international effort in 1998 to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI); in initiatives such as the World Social Forum, to contest the terrain of global civil society; and in the growth of transnational movement organizations and of a ‘democratic globalization network’, counterpoised to neoliberalism’s transnational historical bloc, that address issues of North-South solidarity and coordination (Smith 2008:24).As I have suggested elsewhere (Carroll 2007), an incipient war of position is at work here – a bloc of oppositional forces to neoliberal globalization encompassing a wide range of movements and identities and that is ‘global in nature, transcending traditional national boundaries’ (Butko 2006: 101). These moments of resistance and transborder activism do not yet combine to form a coherent historical bloc around a counter-hegemonic project. Rather, as Marie-Josée Massicotte suggests, ‘we are witnessing the emergence and re-making of political imaginaries…, which often lead to valuable localized actions as well as greater transborder solidarity’ (2009: 424). Indeed, Gramsci’s adage that while the line of development is international, the origin point is national, still has currency. Much of the energy of anti-capitalist politics is centred within what Raymond Williams (1989) called militant particularisms – localized struggles that, ‘left to themselves … are easily dominated by the power of capital to coordinate accumulation across universal but fragmented space’ (Harvey 1996: 32). Catharsis, in this context, takes on a spatial character. The scaling up of militant particularisms requires ‘alliances across interrelated scales to unite a diverse range of social groupings and thereby spatialize a Gramscian war of position to the global scale’ (Karriem 2009: 324). 2AC Frontline: Neo-Colonialism Kritik [3/6] 4785) The role of the ballot is to evaluate the consequences of the Plan and the Alternative and determine which saves more lives. Any other framework condemns innocents to suffering. MURRAY, 97 [Alastair, Professor of Politics at U. of Wales-Swansea, Reconstructing Realism, p. 110] Weber emphasised that, while the 'absolute ethic of the gospel' must be taken seriously, it is inadequate to the tasks of evaluation presented by politics. Against this 'ethic of ultimate ends' — Gesinnung — he therefore proposed the 'ethic of responsibility' — Verantwortung. First, whilst the former dictates only the purity of intentions and pays no attention to consequences, the ethic of responsibility commands acknowledgement of the divergence between intention and result. Its adherent 'does not feel in a position to burden others with the results of his [OR HER] own actions so far as he was able to foresee them; he [OR SHE] will say: these results are ascribed to my action'. Second, the 'ethic of ultimate ends' is incapable of dealing adequately with the moral dilemma presented by the necessity of using evil means to achieve moral ends: Everything that is striven for through political action operating with violent means and following an ethic of responsibility endangers the 'salvation of the soul.' If, however, one chases after the ultimate good in a war of beliefs, following a pure ethic of absolute ends, then the goals may be changed and discredited for generations, because responsibility for consequences is lacking. The 'ethic of responsibility', on the other hand, can accommodate this paradox and limit the employment of such means, because it accepts responsibility for the consequences which they imply. Thus, Weber maintains that only the ethic of responsibility can cope with the 'inner tension' between the 'demon of politics' and 'the god of love'. The realists followed this conception closely in their formulation of a political ethic. This influence is particularly clear in Morgenthau. In terms of the first element of this conception, the rejection of a purely deontological ethic, Morgenthau echoed Weber's formulation, arguing that: the political actor has, beyond the general moral duties, a special moral responsibility to act wisely ... The individual, acting on his own behalf, may act unwisely without moral reproach as long as the consequences of his inexpedient action concern only [HER OR] himself. What is done in the political sphere by its very nature concerns others who must suffer from unwise action. What is here done with good intentions but unwisely and hence with disastrous results is morally defective; for it violates the ethics of responsibility to which all action affecting others, and hence political action par excellence, is subject. This led Morgenthau to argue, in terms of the concern to reject doctrines which advocate that the end justifies the means, that the impossibility of the logic underlying this doctrine 'leads to the negation of absolute ethical judgements altogether'. Directory: wp-content -> uploads -> 2011 2011 -> Voices of the Old Sea Norman Lewis 2011 -> Malevil Robert Merle 2011 -> The Elephant Keeper’s Children Peter Hoeg 2011 -> Jv packet •Mars Colonization Affirmative •Mars Colonization Negative 2011 -> Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) omb no. 1024-0018 2011 -> All America Looks Up to Virginia;” Virginia and the Declaration of Independence 2011 -> Rao bulletin 2011 -> Christopher Columbus was born between 25 August and 31 October 1451 in 2011 -> The Battle of Frenchtown (1855), Washington Territory: the Political and Demographic Context rev 9/4/11 2011 -> Seti aff •seti neg •Asteroids Aff Download 3.16 Mb. Share with your friends:
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