Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #4 “No link” 467
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- 2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t 5 “Permutation” 468
2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #4 “No link” 4671) Economic assistance to Latin America is always about extending U.S. military and economic dominance, and maintaining a hegemonic role in the region. Their advantages prove that they are not looking out for the people in Latin America, but only the benefits of the United States. This creates a system that devalues all non-American lives and culminates in a war to destroy the Other, which is our SANTOS evidence. Extend our MARSHALL evidence. 2) Latin America is the test kitchen where the U.S. develops neoconservative economic policy. Creating debt cycles by providing economic assistance leads to reliance, which reinforces U.S. colonial hegemony. BARDER, 13 [Daniel, Department of Political Studies & Public Administration, American University of Beirut; “American Hegemony Comes Home: The Chilean Laboratory and the Neoliberalization of the United States” May, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38(2)] The American-led liberal order, and its reassertion of hegemony in the 1980s, was in fact predicated upon the very need ‘‘to discipline and coerce weaker states, particularly in Latin America and the Middle East’’—as Ikenberry writes—through political and economic means. The debt crises of the 1980s were part of this capacity to discipline. However, these crises, characterized as well by the explosive development of financial securitization and the proliferation of asset bubbles, represents what Arrighi calls a ‘‘signal crisis’’ of the ‘‘dominant regime of accumulation’’ of the American post–second world war order. 53 A signal crisis signifies a ‘‘deeper underlying systemic crisis’’ when leading capitalist entities begin switching their economic activities away from production and trade to ‘‘financial intermediation and speculation.’’ 54 This initial move from investment in material production to the fictitious world of financial speculation and engineering initially forestalls and enhances the capacity for wealth generation for a certain class. Nonetheless, it cannot embody a lasting resolution of the underlying contradictions. ‘‘On the contrary,’’ as Arrighi writes, ‘‘it has always been the preamble to a deepening of the crisis and to the eventual supersession of the still dominant regime of accumulation by a new one.’’ 55 What Arrighi calls the ‘‘terminal crisis’’ is then the ‘‘end of the long century that encompasses the rise, full expansion, and demise of that regime’’—what is potentially occurring today. 56 The signal crisis of American political and economic hegemony provoked a set of policies to enhance capital accumulations beneficial to American business and state to the detriment of the global South. What Ikenberry sees as American behavior being ‘‘crudely imperial’’ in certain contexts was in fact the way of maintaining and reinvigorating international forms of capital accumulation for the benefit of American hegemony and its allies. As I will show in the last section of this chapter, this manifestly neo-imperial economic order was not only meant to be applicable throughout the global South; the Reagan-Thatcher counter revolution was also an internal revolution that adapted some of the experiences and practices developed in the global periphery to reinforce American hegemony at home and abroad. 2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #5 “Permutation” 4681) If we win our Link, they can’t win their Permutation. The advantages prove that their plan will be used by neoconservative elites to promote U.S. interests above local interests, and power disparities mean that the U.S. will inevitably overcome any resistance as long as we continue throwing economic assistance around. 2) There is no net-benefit to the Permutation. U.S.-dominated globalization creates a never ending war against the poor which leads to total extermination of the human race. That still links more to the plan than to the Alternative alone, which is a reason to prefer the Alternative by itself over the Permutation. 3) They still link. Economic assistance is the cover story that allows for U.S. military imperialism. By promising to be a “good neighbor,” America opens the door to further intervention to stop any developing anti-capitalism revolution. FARBER, 6 [Samuel, contributor to several Latin American newspapers; “Latin America to Iraq: Greg Grandin's Empire's Workshop” Nov-Dec, http://www.solidarity-us.org/site/node/182] U.S. policies since the eighties devastated Central America and did great damage to Latin America as a whole. In this context, Grandin’s excellent chapter on the economics of the New Imperialism in Latin America deserves special attention. Central to this New Imperialist economics was the imposition of the neoliberal Washington consensus over a continent that as an immediate result experienced what has been called the lost decade of the ’80s. Grandin’s contrast between what went on before and after the neoliberal offensive is truly dramatic. Taking Latin America as a whole, between 1947 and 1973 — the high point of government sponsored developmental strategies — per capita income rose 73% in real wages. Between 1980 and 1998 — the high point of neoliberalism — median per capita income stagnated at zero percent. By the end of the 1960s, 11% of Latin Ameicans were destitute, but by 1996 this proportion had grown to a full third of the population. As of 2005, 221 million lived below the poverty level, an increase of over 20 million in just a decade. (198) As we know, the greatest resistance to the neoliberal offensive has taken place in Latin America, as witnessed in the critical role that the opposition to the privatization of water played in the ongoing upsurge in Bolivia. Whether in Bolivia, Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin America, the story of resistance to neoliberalism and capitalism is far from over. The Meaning of Imperialism Though Grandin is not fully explicit, he tends to refer to U.S. imperialism as the hard-line, military interventionist policy that has characterized administrations such as those of Johnson, Reagan and the younger Bush. Measured by this standard, the non-interventionism of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor policy virtually escapes the imperialist categorization. Indeed, Grandin sees Roosevelt’s policy, “despite its many lapses in practice” as containing “not only tolerance but pragmatic pluralism.” (38) It is true that on the whole the FDR administration stayed away from using the Marines in Latin America. However, that does not mean that U.S. imperialism ceased to operate in the continent. Directory: wp-content -> uploads -> 2011 2011 -> Voices of the Old Sea Norman Lewis 2011 -> Malevil Robert Merle 2011 -> The Elephant Keeper’s Children Peter Hoeg 2011 -> Jv packet •Mars Colonization Affirmative •Mars Colonization Negative 2011 -> Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) omb no. 1024-0018 2011 -> All America Looks Up to Virginia;” Virginia and the Declaration of Independence 2011 -> Rao bulletin 2011 -> Christopher Columbus was born between 25 August and 31 October 1451 in 2011 -> The Battle of Frenchtown (1855), Washington Territory: the Political and Demographic Context rev 9/4/11 2011 -> Seti aff •seti neg •Asteroids Aff Download 3.16 Mb. 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