Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #1 “Role of the Ballot” 462
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- 2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t 2 “Deconstruction fails” [1/3] 463
2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #1 “Role of the Ballot” 4621) Their Role of the Ballot is arbitrary and self-serving. Our evidence shows that globalization and capitalism create the primary ethical dilemmas because create entire populations as disposable, which should be prioritized over their desire for new voices to be heard. “Role of the Ballot” is a lazy way to avoid doing impact calculus. 2) This is a rigged game. Globalization makes its victims anonymous so they don’t count within the Capitalist matrix. The role of the ballot should be to reject their framework because we’ll never truly know how many people suffer because of their system. DALY, 2K4 [Glyn, Senior Lecturer in Politics at University College in Northampton, Conversations with Zizek, p. 14-16] For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol to recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to confront the constitutive violence of today’s global capitalism and its obscene naturalization/anonymization of the millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture – with all its pieties concerning ‘multiculturalist’ etiquette – Zizek is arguing for a politics that might be called ‘radically incorrect’ in the sense that it breaks with these types of positions and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today’s social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism. This requires some care and subtlety. For far too long, Marxism has been bedeviled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity. With the likes of Hilferding and Gramsce, and more recently Laclau and Mouffe, crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the transcendence of all forms of economism. In this new context, however, Zizek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. That is to say, the prohibitive anxieties surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with economic reality and as a way of implicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In an ironic Freudian-Lacanian twist, the fear of economism can end up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism (i.e. the initial prohibition conjures up the very thing it fears). This is not to endorse any kind of retrograde return to economism. Zizek’s point is rather that in rejecting economism we should not lose sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible. In particular we should not overlook Marx’s central insight that in order to create a universal global system the forces of capitalism seek to conceal the political-discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. What is persistently denied by neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose ‘universalism’ fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world’s population. In this way, neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalize capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgement in a neutral marketplace. Capitalism does indeed create a space for a certain diversity, at least for the central capitalist regions, but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of social exclusion is exorbitant. That is to say, the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded life-chances cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and, in consequence, social exclusion remains mystified and nameless (viz. the patronizing reference to the ‘developing world’). And Zizek’s point is that this mystification is magnified through capitalism’s profound capacity to ingest its own excesses and negativity: to redirect (or misdirect) social antagonisms and to absorb them within a culture of differential affirmation. Instead of Bolshevism, the tendency today is towards a kind of political boutiquism that is readily sustained by postmodern forms of consumerism and lifestyle. Against this Zizek argues for a new universalism whose primary ethical directive is to confront the fact that our forms of social existence are founded on exclusion on a global scale. While it is perfectly true that universalism can never become Universal (it will always require a hegemonic-particular embodiment in order to have any meaning), what is novel about Zizek’s universalism is that it would not attempt to conceal this fact or to reduce the status of the abject Other to that of a ‘glitch’ in an otherwise sound matrix. 2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #2 “Deconstruction fails” [1/3] 4631) They haven’t learned from their own history lesson. The State is the one who continuously baits immigrants with the promise of full citizenship, only to count them out when it suits military interests. Working through that same State is like Charlie Brown running to kick Lucy’s football over and over again. 2) Globalization is more powerful than their race-based criticism. Demanding that the U.S. work for a more inclusive global economy will only result in the U.S. exporting more discrimination and racism rather than importing more tolerance. JOHNSON, 2000 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “Celebrating LatCrit Theory: What Do We Do When the Music Stops?;" 33 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 753 1999-2000] Because the expansion of the Spanish colonial empire shaped the evolution of Latin America, "empire" is a central concept for Latinas/os to consider in evaluating their place domestically and internationally. 4 Reviewing Vday Singh Mehta's book Liberalism and Empire: A Study of Nineteenth-Century British Liberal Thought,5" Professor Tayyab Mahmud articulates his vision of the impact of empire-building and how colonialism is important to liberal thought. 56 He contends that liberalism also calls for racial, class, cultural, and other exclusion. Consistent with this pessimistic version of liberalism, Professor Tim Canova criticizes the claim that meaningful positive economic and social transformation for developing nations can be accomplished through the efforts of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) .15 This criticism finds intellectual support in the longstanding critique of liberalism. 58 Professor Canova astutely applies LatCrit teachings to the study of the international economic system. He claims categorically that "the global monetary system, and the IMF in particular, systematically subordinates entire nations of color."59 In making his case, Professor Canova disagrees with the relative optimism of Professor Enrique Carrasco about the IMF's transformational potential.' 6° Whatever the relative strength of his argument on the merits, Professor Canova's mode of criticism should serve as a positive role model for LatCrit theorists. Admitting Professor Carrasco's laudable goal of protecting vulnerable groups in Latin America and respectfully treating his views,16 1 Professor Canova constructively questions the means of achieving that end. Considering the domestic impacts of international developments, Professor Chantal Thomas critically evaluates the effects of the "globalization" of the world economy on the United States, marred as it is by deep and enduring racial and economic inequality.' 62 She opines that, despite the frequent trumpeting of the benefits of the emerging global economy, " [w] ithout intervention, globalization may instead lead to increased socioeconomic inequality and economic volatility.' 63 Indeed, "[i]t is . .. possible that globalization will generally entrench existing structural inequalities, and that some of these inequalities will be racial in character." 164 Consequently, Professor Thomas asks us to consider the possible racial impacts in the United States resulting from the development of a global economy. 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