2NC Extension: A/t #2 “Permutation” 454
1) If we win our Link, they can’t win their Permutation. The advantages prove that their plan will be used by American elites to promote U.S. interests above local interests, and power disparities mean that the U.S. will inevitably overcome any resistance as long as we continue throwing economic assistance around.
2) There is no net-benefit to the Permutation. U.S.-dominated globalization creates a never ending war against the poor which leads to total extermination of the human race. That still links more to the plan than to the Alternative alone, which is a reason to prefer the Alternative by itself over the Permutation.
3) They still link. Economic assistance is the cover story that allows for U.S. military imperialism. By promising to be a “good neighbor,” America opens the door to further intervention to stop any developing anti-capitalist revolution.
FARBER, 6
[Samuel, contributor to several Latin American newspapers; “Latin America to Iraq: Greg Grandin's Empire's Workshop” Nov-Dec, http://www.solidarity-us.org/site/node/182]
U.S. policies since the eighties devastated Central America and did great damage to Latin America as a whole. In this context, Grandin’s excellent chapter on the economics of the New Imperialism in Latin America deserves special attention. Central to this New Imperialist economics was the imposition of the neoliberal Washington consensus over a continent that as an immediate result experienced what has been called the lost decade of the ’80s. Grandin’s contrast between what went on before and after the neoliberal offensive is truly dramatic. Taking Latin America as a whole, between 1947 and 1973 — the high point of government sponsored developmental strategies — per capita income rose 73% in real wages. Between 1980 and 1998 — the high point of neoliberalism — median per capita income stagnated at zero percent. By the end of the 1960s, 11% of Latin Ameicans were destitute, but by 1996 this proportion had grown to a full third of the population. As of 2005, 221 million lived below the poverty level, an increase of over 20 million in just a decade. (198) As we know, the greatest resistance to the neoliberal offensive has taken place in Latin America, as witnessed in the critical role that the opposition to the privatization of water played in the ongoing upsurge in Bolivia. Whether in Bolivia, Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin America, the story of resistance to neoliberalism and capitalism is far from over. The Meaning of Imperialism Though Grandin is not fully explicit, he tends to refer to U.S. imperialism as the hard-line, military interventionist policy that has characterized administrations such as those of Johnson, Reagan and the younger Bush. Measured by this standard, the non-interventionism of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor policy virtually escapes the imperialist categorization. Indeed, Grandin sees Roosevelt’s policy, “despite its many lapses in practice” as containing “not only tolerance but pragmatic pluralism.” (38) It is true that on the whole the FDR administration stayed away from using the Marines in Latin America. However, that does not mean that U.S. imperialism ceased to operate in the continent.
2NC Extension: A/t #3 “Fiat Theory” 455
1) Counter-interpretation: The Affirmative must justify their advantages are true before they can access them, and the Negative gets one non-policy Alternative to test the Affirmative’s philosophical assumptions.
A) More Real World: Philosophy debates happen in policy circles all the time, and establishing a core philosophy is necessary before any serious action can be taken.
B) Education: Blindly rushing forward with policies without questioning leads to atrocities like the Iraq invasion. Balancing policy debate with criticism is necessary for well-rounded education.
C) Reciprocity: The Affirmative gets to choose a plan and establishes defenses in the 1AC. We should get to choose an Alternative to challenge that plan. This is necessary to offset Affirmative structural bias.
D) Limits explosions are inevitable. There are more possible agencies, plans, and advantages than movements with evidence in the context of the resolution. Our links are grounded in the topic and contextualized to the plan, which solves their predictability arguments.
2) The Affirmative’s interpretation is the same type of neo-colonialist domination we are criticizing. Policy debates about engagement are always reduced to issues that benefit the North, such as security, immigration, or economics. Including alternative perspectives on development is necessary to successfully analyze foreign policy and regional development.
WISE, 7
[Raul Delgado, Director of Doctoral Program in Migration Studies Professor of Development Studies
Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, “Migration and Development Setting the Scene,” http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/e-lista_documentos_miembros.php]
Moreover, South-South dialogue is as important as the North-North dialogue that has been taking place for years – it is a precondition for a genuine global dialogue. The debate on migration and development has been dominated by the vision of the North, which tends to reduce the key issues to security, control of migratory flows, integration into the receiving society, and remittances (understood as the main driver of development). The vision of the South has been largely absent in this debate. This has led to a distortion of the very idea of development. It has also led to fragmented views and interpretations, which hinder understanding of the real significance and challenges of contemporary human mobility as a force for change. Northern-dominated research and policy debates on migration provide an inadequate basis for understanding the real scope and potential of the major changes taking place, and for designing and implementing new policy approaches.
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