Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Extensions: Harms #2 “Federal Government Isn’t Key” 205
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- 2NC Extensions: Harms 3 “Other Immigrants Face Discrimination” 206
- 2NC Extensions: Harms 4 “Representations Don’t Shape Policy” 207
- 2NC Extensions: Harms 5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” 208
2NC Extensions: Harms #2 “Federal Government Isn’t Key” 2051) The federal government leaves immigration enforcement to the states, and state legal officials are more racist than the federal government. The aff’s demand ignores other actors who carry out immigration authority and will still ask for documentation before distributing benefits even after the plan. Extend our JOHNSON evidence. 2) Local authorities are more racist than federal ones. JOHNSON, 03 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “SEPTEMBER 11 AND MEXICAN IMMIGRANTS: COLLATERAL DAMAGE COMES HOME;" 52 DePaul L. Rev. 849 2002-2003] A shift in immigration enforcement from the federal to local level would have a dramatic impact on the immigrant community in the United States, perhaps the most significant of all the responses to September 11, 2001. It would open the door to further civil rights abuses of Latina/os. Moreover, it may also be bad for law enforcement, as immigrant communities would be afraid to cooperate with the police in reporting crime and participating in criminal investigations. That is precisely why so many police agencies prohibit their officers from inquiring about the immigration status of victims, suspects, and witnesses. 97 2NC Extensions: Harms #3 “Other Immigrants Face Discrimination” 2061) They focus too much on Mexican immigrants and ignore the experiences of people from other countries. The law may be racist, but it is racist equally and identifying with only one minority group therefore cannot succeed. Extend our JOHNSON evidence. 2) The federal government racially profiles Arab- and Muslim-Americans because of the War on Terror, and this makes anti-immigrant discrimination inevitable. JOHNSON, 03 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “SEPTEMBER 11 AND MEXICAN IMMIGRANTS: COLLATERAL DAMAGE COMES HOME;" 52 DePaul L. Rev. 849 2002-2003] Racial profiling in the "war on terrorism" poses serious risks to all minority communities in the United States, not just Arab- and Muslim-appearing people who may be subject to profiling given the current fears. Once the government embraces the use of race-based statistical probabilities as a law enforcement tool, the argument logically follows that probabilities may justify similar law enforcement techniques across the board, from terrorism to fighting crime on the streets to apprehending undocumented immigrants. As they were for many years, 129 statistical probabilities can also be employed to justify focusing police action on African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latina/os in cities across the United States. Besides ordinary criminal law enforcement, the reliance on statistics, which justified internment of persons of Japanese ancestry during World War II, 13 0 could be used to justify racial profiling in immigration and national security matters. 2NC Extensions: Harms #4 “Representations Don’t Shape Policy” 2071) There is an objective physical world that exists and shapes our material conditions, according to KOCHER – this is what we refer to as the Real - and this world matters more than any verbal representation or frame. Just because the federal government calls immigrants inferior does not mean that they are, and the language that surrounds these matters is, in the end, ephemeral. The aff is approaching a substantial issue from a trivial plane and, as such, should be rejected. 2) Representations don’t come from discourse, but instead from the material positions of people speaking. Those in power give the law its authority to be racist, not the other way around. CAMPBELL, 02 [John, Department of Sociology at Dartmouth College; “Ideas, Politics, and Public Policy,” Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 28, no. 1] However provocative these notions about the relationships between ideas and institutions may be, critics charge that they are flawed (Yee 1996, Jacobsen 1995). To begin with, the path-dependent argument suffers because once ideas have become institutionalized in rules, procedures, agencies, and the like, it is no longer clear whether the ideas or the institutions within which they are embedded are more important for future policy-making episodes. Similarly, the actor-centered approach fails to differentiate the effects of ideas themselves from the effects of the actors who bear them. Researchers have found that the status of the actors bearing new ideas affects the odds that policy makers will adopt their ideas (Goldstein 1993:15). In other words, the persuasiveness of ideas is assumed rather than analytically partitioned and empirically demonstrated. In turn, some of these critics suggest that if we are concerned with understanding how ideas themselves affect policy making, then a more fruitful approach is to focus on the nature of political discourse. 2NC Extensions: Harms #5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” 2081) Race is just one factor that determines how immigration laws are enforced. The Affirmative doesn’t deal with economic or social positioning, which will still create power imbalances and inequality after the plan. Extend our JOHNSON evidence. 2) Race is bigger than just immigration law. Focusing on immigration ignores the experiences of citizen Latina/os, who still experience discrimination. MORAN, 97 [Rachel; Professor of Law, Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley; “What If Latinos Really Mattered in the Public Policy Debate?" California Law Review, Vol. 85, No. 5] Moreover, immigration policy cannot account entirely for the Latino experience in the United States. In contrast to Asian Americans, not all Latinos have entered the United States as voluntary immigrants. Persons of Puerto Rican and Mexican origin, the two Latino sub-groups with the poorest outcomes in terms of education and employment, have a history of territorial annexation. Indeed, Puerto Ricans today are not immigrants at all, for they are United States citizens by birth. Despite their status as citizens, they continue to suffer from the lowest rates of educational attainment, the most depressed rates of income and employment, and the highest rates of out-of-wedlock pregnancies and single parent households of the major Latino sub-groups. 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