Compiled Aff Answers

AFF: Kuwait Link Turn

Historically, Freeman said, Saudis saw the United States as "a wonderful partner" because it was a distant power without colonial designs in the Persian Gulf region. But developments since the Gulf War, and particularly since the onset of the war on terrorism, have changed that perception.

As the pre-inaugural reports prepared under the direction of (now) Assistant Secretary of State

Armitage and (now) Ambassador Khalilzad recommended, in the Asia Pacific this meant

reaffirming the commitment to U.S. military bases and forward deployed troops across the region.

Yes, some bases will be close in Rumsfeld’s re-configuration, and some will be merged. But, this

will be done in the context of augmenting U.S. military power through “diversification”– moving

their center of gravity of U.S. forward deployed troops and bases from Northeast Asia further south. The goals are to better encircle China, to fight the so-called “War on Terrorism” across Southeast Asia, and to more completely control the sea lanes over which Persian Gulf oil – the life blood of East Asia’s economies – must travel. Guam will again become a hub for U.S. Asia- Pacific forces. So much for its people and natural resources! U.S. bases in Australia will be augmented. The agenda is to build on the “Visiting Forces” and access agreements with the Philippines , and Singapore , and to open the way for U.S. forces in Thailand . In fact, as the Philippine press reports, U.S. military officials are privately exploring the possibility of reestablishing its bases in the former colony. With the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the way was opened to expand and to redesign the U.S. network of bases. Using the Bush Administration’s intimidating tactic of insisting that “for us or against us” (in the latter case being targeted for possible invasion,) dictatorships in Pakistan , Uzbekistan , Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan were forced to surrender sovereignty and to invite the Pentagon to establish what will likely become permanent U.S. military bases. A year later, with Germany balking at joining in the invasion of Iraq and limiting the roles that U.S. bases there could play, Washington began “diversifying” its European military infrastructure . Threats to punish Germany by withdrawing all U.S. bases from Germany were made, although Germany will continue to “host” the most U.S. bases and troops in Europe for years to come. New bases were established in those bastions of democracy and human rights Romania and Bulgaria. To the south, under cover of preparations for the war, Bush and company removed one of the precipitating causes of the 9-11 attacks: the majority of U.S. troops and bases in Saudi Arabia . Many Moslems experienced those bases as sullying Islam’s holiest land. These troops, bases and functions were transferred to Qatar and Kuwait. Bases in Djibouti and Bahrain were expanded. And now, in addition to plans for Iraq to serve the U.S. as a source of oil that can be used to leverage Saudi Arabia and OPEC, U.S. military planners look forward to Iraq serving as a bastion of U.S. military power in the Middle East for decades to come.

AFF: Presence Link Turn

Because Washington has made it clear that the United States is prepared to take ultimate responsibility for the security of the region, however, that incentive has been nullified. The southern gulf states have not had to make serious efforts to build the cohesion that would be necessary for an effective alliance or even to form a functioning rapid-reaction corps. At a December 1995 GCC conference, for example, the question of strengthening the GCC rapid-reaction force, Peninsula Shield, "was sidelined before the summit began, when Saudi Arabia, which dominates the alliance, and Kuwait convinced their partners that only a limited expansion of Peninsula Shield is necessary as Western powers are committed to defending them under defence agreements."⁹ As Sen. Sam Nunn (D-Ga.) has commented, "As long as the USA acts as if it's going to do it all for them, it's going to do it all for them."10 Removing the incentive for the gulf monarchies to work out some of their differences not only hinders regional defense cooperation; it also contributes to a more dangerous environment in the region generally. Genuine defense cooperation among the GCC states would do a great deal to defuse tensions in the region. Because U.S. involvement in gulf security has removed the incentive to defuse those tensions, they not only remain, they threaten to embroil the United States in messy disputes among U.S. allies. The United States will generally have little interest in those disputes, but its allies can be expected to attempt to draw Washington into them. Perry has conceded as much: A paradoxical risk posed by the United States' position as premier arbiter of Middle Eastern security is the high value Middle Eastern states now place on getting us involved in local conflicts.

**South Korea Econ DA – Aff Answers

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