Culprits of Lockerbie a treatise Concerning the Destruction


British Forensic personnel under a cloud



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8. British Forensic personnel under a cloud

Dr Hayes, who had supposedly discovered the fragment in the collar and was responsible for laboratory work on it, left RARDE under a cloud in the autumn of 1989 when it was revealed that he had given what was later judicially described as wholly misleading evidence relating to the alleged detection of explosive traces on the hands of the “Maguire Seven” defendants. The work of Allen Fereday in a number of high profile cases has been criticised judicially. (For an informative summary of the criticisms of Hayes and Fereday in other cases see Ashton and Ferguson, pp.196-203.)



9. The vexed – and unmentioned – question:

was PT/35b planted?

(a) Summary of points negating inculpatory

impact of PT/35b

To summarise the points we have established so far–



  • To detonate the Lockerbie bomb the terrorists would have been most unlikely to employ a stand-alone timer such as the Mebo MST-13, as against a barometric pressure trigger with time delay.

  • The evidence surrounding the discovery and handling of PT/35b featured an extraordinary accumulation of questionable anomalies and inconsistencies.

  • Some elements in American intelligence clearly sought to play down, if not actively conceal, the fact that, well before Lockerbie, they possessed detailed intelligence about Mebo and the company’s links with Libya and essentially procured a charade in which it was made to seem as if the identification of PT/35b was a brilliant feat of inspired and pains-taking detective work when all the time the match between the fragment and one or more timers already in their possession was quite simply waiting to be made. The obvious suggestion flowing from this is that there was an “expectation” that the fragment would be forthcoming from among the debris. That suggestion leads naturally on to a suspicion, at the very least, that the fragment was placed in the debris after the bombing so that it could be “found” as evidence. Otherwise the odds on coincidence as explaining the instantaneous discovery of a needle in a haystack, where guile was used to cloak the true nature of the “discovery,” would simply be too long for serious consideration.

  • Comparative analysis of the “tinning” of PT/35b and of the Mebo timers supplied to Libya demonstrates beyond any doubt that PT/35b could not have originated with the “Libyan” timers or any of the mother boards manufactured for Mebo by Thüring.

(b) High authority suspicion of plant

Could PT/35b have been planted? No less august a figure than Richard Marquise, head of the FBI’s Lockerbie investigation, revealed in his memoire of the investigation that when in January 1990 he first learned about PT/35b from the senior Lockerbie investigator Det Supt Henderson they speculated together that the fragment could have been a CIA plant, although of course Marquise was at pains to stress that neither of them could actually believe that the CIA or any government official would ever do such a thing (Marquise, R., Scotbom: Evidence and the Lockerbie Investigation, New York: Algora, 2006).



(c) Diffidence about mentioning the “p”-word

Throughout the trial at Camp Van Zeist the defence drew back from making the explicit suggestion that PT/35b must have been planted, preferring rather to stress the accumulated anomalies surrounding its alleged discovery and production. This is perhaps understandable because in postulating that it could have been planted it is necessary to offer a cogent explanation as to how this might have been accomplished. (Their diffidence might be contrasted with the blithe lack of restraint on the part of the Crown in contending, and on the part of the Zeist judges in endorsing the submission, that the primary suitcase must “somehow” have been smuggled on to KM-180 at Luqa, a contention submitted without advancing – in the face of clear evidential obstacles – any coherent explanation as to how this might have been achieved.)



(c) Who?

It is probably futile to conjecture the identity of individuals who might have been tempted to plant the fragment in the shirt neck and might have had the opportunity of doing so. We have already examined in detail several question marks which hang over the conduct of James Thurman as to the supposed identification of PT/35b. Contrastingly, Steven Emerson and Brian Duffy were effusive almost in praising his professionalism and expertise (The Fall of Pan Am 103, p.28). In so characterising him they reveal incidentally that he flew to Lockerbie and was on the ground there with other FBI investigators and officials within hours of the atrocity.



(d) Two problems in alleging that PT/35b was planted

In posing the suggestion of plant two particular problems arise.



(i) Contradiction between the suggestion that the CIA planted PT/35b and the mismatch as regards tinning If certain elements within American intelligence were going to consider planting the fragment of an MST-13 mother board of the kind used in the timers supplied to Libya it might be thought that it would have been a matter of elementary prudence to ensure that the artefact planted was actually a Mebo product with all the typical features of the MST-13 mother board. All the evidence reviewed here strongly suggests that the CIA had access to Mebo components and would have been able to obtain an unused Thüring motherboard from the forty or so spare examples in stock at Mebo’s offices. Yet from the tinning we now know that PT/35b was plainly not from one of the Mebo boards manufactured by Thüring. This is a contrast which tells against the notion that the fragment was planted. On the other hand, the fact that very soon after Thurman took delivery of the photograph of PT/35b (in June 1990, if Marquise and Henderson are to be believed) he was consulting Orkin, who was inspired to point him towards Mebo, suggests that some persons in the CIA were only waiting for the fragment to surface in Washington so that Thurman could be pointed by Orkin in the right direction. They were waiting, it might be supposed, because they had been instrumental in planting the fragment in the first place. This is a very difficult contradiction to reconcile but the solution to the conundrum might be that the CIA were wary of obtaining a motherboard from Mebo because they knew that, Bollier being the loose cannon that he was, if it came to light that they had done so this might provide ammunition in any allegation that the fragment had been planted. Conceivably they had a fragment fabricated; it would not have been so very demanding a task. In doing so it never occurred to them to get the tinning to match.

(ii) Conjecturing the way in which a plant might have been managed We now move on to the problem of conjecturing how a plant might have been carried out. As already mentioned RARDE photo 117 was a close-up of the shirt neck PI/995 together with PT/35b and the other items said to have been extracted from it. RARDE photographic records showed that the picture was taken on 12 May, 1989, immediately after dissection. What of a suggestion that photo 117 may in fact have been taken a substantial time after dissection with PT/35b “standing in,” as it were, for the real fragment extracted by Hayes from the Slalom shirt neck and given the description “fragment of a green coloured circuit board”? In other words, could PT/35b have been introduced into the evidential chain by way of substitution for the original evidentially neutral fragment? Might the swop have been managed by some unidentified person present at RARDE, say in September 1989, shortly before the Polaroid was forwarded by Feraday to the police? The answer is that this is most unlikely. It would have involved collusion of a number of RARDE staff in doctoring photographic records. The likelihood is that if it was planted it would have been easier to do the deed in the Dextar warehouse, access to which would probably have been easier than engaging in sleight of hand at RARDE. One might envisage the unidentified perpetrator inserting the fragment into the shirt neck and then altering the label from “cloth” to “debris.” (At trial, the hapless Det Const Gilchrist was at a loss to explain the alteration but conceded for want of any evidence of outside interference that he must have been the person who made the changes.) On the other hand, would planters really have left their stratagem wide open to challenge by such a clumsy error? As far as is known the evidential record contains no statement as to what prompted Feraday to send a photograph of PT/35b to DCI Williamson in September 1989. If one might indulge in a moment’s fancy, could it perhaps be that it was a visit to RARDE by some nameless American on a “courtesy call.” Having planted it at Dexstar the agent or agents wanted to be sure it received adequate attention, but months after their sleight of hand at Dextar nothing was happening. So along they go to RARDE to point Feraday’s nose in the right direction. Going through the photographs they point out PT/35b as having potential significance, something which under pressure of work neither Hayes nor Feraday had considered at the time of the dissection. Hayes’s bland description of PT/35b as a “fragment of a green coloured circuit board” is hardly consistent with Feraday’s statement to the SCCRC that on dissecting the shirt neck Hayes was sufficiently excited by the find to call him over. Understandably Feraday would rather have taken credit for RARDE’s supposed acumen than giving the credit to someone else for spotting the fragment’s potential importance, so it would hardly be surprising if he never mentioned that it wasn't actually his or Hayes’s idea. Having been prompted by the visitors there is now some urgency in alerting the police. The Polaroid is sent to Williamson with the note that it is the “best I can do in such a short time”. Could they not have sent an enlarged print of photo 117 focusing on PT/35b? Perhaps if there was a suddenly perceived urgency about the fragment, taking a Polaroid may well have been quicker than getting an enlarged print made from photo 117, particularly if the official photographer was not available that day to make a print in his dark room. In 1989 most photocopiers did not reproduce pictures of the high resolution quality to which we have become accustomed a quarter of a century later.

(e) Plant by the terrorists?

It has been conjectured that PT/35b may have been planted by the true culprits in order to implicate Libya. There is no evidence for such a conjecture but lest it be pointed out that there is no evidence of plant by the CIA either, it can certainly be urged that there is a good deal of circumstantial evidence pointing to such action by the CIA.



10. Could PT/35b have come from an innocent

device on boardPan Am 103?

If PT/35b was not included in the bomb by the true terrorist perpetrators in order to implicate Libya, or planted by some party wishing to manipulate the evidence, might it simply have originated from some other wholly innocuous device contained in a bag in the vicinity of the primary suitcase?

At trial Allen Feraday had asserted that the fragment’s circuit pattern “will not occur on any other electronic product, only the Mebo brand MST-13 timer.” For the purposes of al-Megrahi’s second, aborted, appeal, Dr Chris McArdle was asked to venture an opinion on the validity of Feraday’s statement. Having reviewed all the evidence and analysed PT/35b and the control sample board DP/347a, Dr McArdle pointed out that the fragment had only a few distinctive features and that while these were undoubtedly similar to the MST-13 boards, those boards were merely one version of billions of circuit boards made worldwide for all manner of applications. Although the possibility could not therefore be excluded of the same configuration occurring in some other product (Ashton, p.361) it is moot whether, as a matter of practicality it would be feasible to find such a corresponding chip.

11. Possible physical evidence in the debris of a PFLP-GC type of barometric bomb

Even if PT/35b was the remnant of a component of some device which had been aboard Pan Am 103 and in close proximity to the primary suitcase once can hardly ignore the assertion of Dr McArdle that the device could have been any one of an endless number of different specifications having nothing whatsoever to do with the MST-13, Mebo or Thüring. By contrast, there is some suggestion that among the wreckage artefacts were found which could well have come from a bomb of the kind used by the PFLP-GC, and in particular from a barometric trigger.



(a) Exhibit PF/546: AA battery with wire soldered to it

Photographs taken by the BKA of the Toshiba RT-F453D BomBeat radio-cassette player bomb found concealed in Hafez Dalkamoni’s Ford Taunus in Neuss on 26 October, 1988, showed clearly that the detonator was powered by four 1.5 volt AA batteries, the terminals of which were connected by pieces of wire attached with solder (DW/189, Crown Production 1668). On 25 December, 1988, Det Constables James Barclay and William Grant were searching a field near to Carruthers Farm, several miles to the east of Lockerbie when they found what was described in Grant’s notebook as a “[p]iece of yellow wire soldered to +ve of a Duracell 1.5V battery” (police reference DW/189, Crown Production 124). In his statement DC Barclay said that “it appeared to be an American battery” (statement S453B) and, although his statement did not specify the size, in evidence the officer recalled that it was AA (8 May 2000; transcript, p.690). Clearly it was part of an improvised device. Since being moved to the Longtown warehouse on 8 February 1989 its whereabouts remain unknown.



(b) Exhibit PI/1588: possible component of a barometric trigger and barometer with missing barometric mechanism seized by Swedish police

In his precognition statement (2 December 1999) Allen Feraday stated that he had been unable to rule out debris item exhibit PI/1588 as part of a barometric trigger. Given that the PFLP-GC bombs characteristically used such a form of trigger this was potentially of the highest importance. Although he stated that it did not match any of the barometric devices he had examined in Germany it is at the very least disquieting that the joint forensic report made no reference to those comparative examinations (see Ashton, Megrahi, p.323). It may be relevant to note here that when on 18 May, 1989, the Swedish Security Police, the Säkerhetspolisen (SAPO) arrested Mohamed Abu Talb and other suspected associates of the German cell of the PFLP-GC they found a calendar belonging to Talb’s wife with a small mark next to the “21” of 21 December 1988 and stored under a bed in his home a number of items including a barometer, which was missing its barometric mechanism (see Ashton, p.49).



VI. The Case for Ingestion at Heathrow

1. The Toshiba alert

Although the bomb seized by the BKA on 26 October was concealed in a Toshiba RT-F453D single speaker model the authorities had decided by the end of April 1989 that the radio-cassette player used for the Lockerbie bomb was a Toshiba RT-SF16 stereo model, also called a BomBeat. The significance of the difference will be discussed later. What precise intelligence the BKA had obtained may be an interesting question but what is important for present purposes is that the Germans shared their discovery with the British authorities. On 21 March, 1989, Secretary of State for Transport Paul Channon told the House of Commons about the BKA discovery and that information about it had been passed to his department which “issued a warning by telex on 22 November 1988 to UK airports and airlines pointing to the possible existence of other such devices.” On 19 December, 1988, Mr Channon told Parliament, the Department of Transport drafted a warning circular but sadly it was “not sent out because of the need to obtain reproduction photographs in colour.” Channon also made reference to a telephone call received by the US Embassy in Helsinki on 5 December, 1988 warning that a Finnish woman would attempt to smuggle a bomb on to a Pan American airliner from Frankfurt bound for America. However, Mr Channon explained, he and the American ambassador to Finland had together discounted the call as a hoax. Nonetheless, the authorities appear to have been in possession of sufficient specific information to have initiated an immediate upgrade in levels of security which, given the endemic laxity at Heathrow, was clearly warranted.



2. Luqa – a model of security

It has already been mentioned that the Zeist judges acknowledged that because of the tight security measures in force at Malta’s Luqa airport the Crown were unable to offer any explanation as to how the suitcase bomb might have been smuggled aboard KM180 and that this amounted to a “major difficulty” for the Crown. Nonetheless the court made the assumption that those measures had in some unspecified way been subverted. However, as John Ashton observes, Luqa “presented potential terrorists with an unusually stiff challenge” (Megrahi, p.115). What then were the security measures in force there?



(a) Security measures in place in 1988

Guarded by the military since the 1985 Air Egypt hijacking Luqa had been guarded by military personnel since 1985, when a hijacked Air Egypt plane had been forced to land there and a subsequent botched intervention by Egyptian special forces had resulted in the deaths of numerous passengers and crew.

Regular testing of security Security procedures included a monthly exercise in which personnel unknown to security staff would attempt to smuggle weapons on board.

Physical reconciliation of baggage and associated documentation To prevent the smuggling of rogue bags into aircraft baggage holds Luqa employed a carefully designed system of baggage reconciliation which was regarded as particularly effective in a small but busy airport. Baggage loaders were required to make a physical count of every bag loaded into the hold, to record the total on a “load plan,” and give the total to the flight dispatcher – otherwise known as the ramp dispatcher. Similarly, check-in staff had to give the flight dispatcher the total of bags checked in and the figure had to be recorded on a “ramp progress sheet”. Departure would only be authorised if the two figures tallied. If they did not the aircraft would be held until the discrepancy was reconciled, if necessary by unloading of bags on to the tarmac with passengers being asked to identify their bags.

Random rostering Despite the theoretical possibility of a security breach involving the baggage reconciliation procedures there was a further element of the system which rendered such a possibility almost too remote for serious consideration. Very importantly, to prevent collusion by handling staff with terrorists or other criminal elements, the system included a requirement for random rostering in order to prevent loaders knowing in advance to which aircraft they would be assigned. An arrangement involving the planting of a rogue bag on a plane before or at the time of the loading of luggage would therefore have required the collaboration of the corrupt loader and the staff member in charge of managing the roster. Darmanin was the loader on duty on 21 December, 1988, and if, as head loader, he was responsible for the roster he could therefore have contrived to have put himself on duty that day in order to smuggle a particular item on board. There was no evidence as to who was managing the roster which put Darmanin on duty that day but even if he was in charge of the roster there was no evidence whatsoever that either he or Camilleri was corrupt in any way.

(b) Possible shortcomings

Possible weaknesses in the baggage reconciliation procedures In written statements the loader, Darmanin, who was head loader on duty on 21 December, 1988, and the ramp dispatcher, Camilleri, both maintained that the number of bags loaded on to KM180 tallied. Darmanin was certain that an extra bag could not have slipped through. They were not required by the defence to give live evidence. In the case of Darmanin this was because:-

(a) he gave differing accounts of the number of times he had carried out a physical reconciliation when the load plan and the ramp progress sheet had not tallied, and

(b) he acknowledged other staff had occasionally forged his signature on a ramp progress sheet.

Camilleri in his statement had acknowledged that Luqa security was not perfect.



Theoretical possibility of collusion between the terrorists and airline staff  Vigilant patrolling of the airside areas of the airport by armed military personnel would have made it extremely difficult for an unauthorised person at large in the restricted zones to sneak a rogue bag into an aircraft hold. Even if a terrorist or smuggler had been able to evade the guards, a bag found sitting alone in the hold when loading of flight baggage began would have been instantly noticeable. For such a bag to have been allowed to remain on the aircraft the terrorist or smuggler would have had to be in league with the baggage loader. Describing in evidence at Zeist the package of special measures in force at Luqa Wilfred Borg, Air Malta’s general manager for ground operations conceded the theoretical possibility of their being subverted by collusion. (The Crown relied on this to contend that the insider must have been the defendant Lamin but the judges arguably contradicted themselves in (a) finding in effect that subversion must have occurred in some inexplicable way and in (b) acquitting Lamin: Ashton, Megrahi, p.332.) In spite of Borg’s concession the reality was that the terrorists would never have relied upon the very slim chance of being able to tease out a hiatus in the measures in force which effectively precluded any such arrangement from bearing fruit.

(c) Vindication by the Granada Television documentary

In spite of the theoretical possibility of collusion, meticulous investigation for the purposes of a libel suit brought by Air Malta against Granada Television and again for the purposes of the 1992 civil trial in New York disclosed no reason whatsoever to suspect the existence of any conspiracy involving ground staff at Luqa.



(d) Baggage figures for KM180

In the case of KM180 the two record sheets each showed 55 bags checked in and verified and police inquiries with passengers subsequently accounted for each and every item within that total. There had been no recorded unaccompanied luggage.



3. Frankfurt

The tight security controls in force at Malta’s Luqa airport precluded the Crown from offering any explanation as to how the Samsonite suitcase bomb might have been smuggled aboard KM180 to Frankfurt. Nonetheless so, the court found that the bag had come from Luqa, mainly because of the circular reasoning they employed, but also because such records as were available from Frankfurt were on the face of it consistent with KM180 being the source of a possibly unaccompanied item of interline baggage transferred to Pan Am feeder flight PA103A. But the ambiguous nature of those records was also compatible with the very real possibility that the item could have come off a flight from somewhere else. Some explanation of the Frankfurt evidence and its curious provenance is required.



(a) Inception of the Malta connection idea

Immediate suspicion of the Frankfurt connection Even before the remains of the Pan Am 103’s bomb-laden baggage container were discovered – indeed from the very beginning – it was conjectured that the Frankfurt connection might be important, largely because of the exposure of the PFLP-GC cell in West Germany. The BKA spent Christmas Day at the airport interviewing baggage handlers and other staff.


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