European parliament working paper

Irish

Introduction

Northern Ireland constitutes the six counties of Ireland which did not gain independence from the UK in the 1920s, because the government of the time was unwilling to 'abandon' the largely Protestant population to a predominantly Catholic Ireland. The division between Catholics and Protestants remains a major feature of the regional labour market, residential patterns and politics. The language pertains directly to this division. The 1991 census indicated that 142,003 people had a knowledge of Irish in Northern Ireland. Of these 79,012 claimed to be able to speak, read and write the language, and 45,338 claimed only a speaking knowledge. A quarter of the Catholic population claimed to be able to speak the language whereas only 5,000 out of three quarters of a million Protestants made the same claim. A recent language use survey suggests that this declared knowledge of Irish was largely symbolic, and that only about 10% of those claiming fluency could sustain a conversation in the language. Nonetheless, it is indicative of a commitment to the language in the region.

Its status is legitimised by its inclusion in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement²⁰⁸, which created a North/South Implementation body to promote the Irish language: Foras Na Gaeilge²⁰⁹.

The use of the language in various fields

Education: 19 Irish-medium playgroups (3% of such groups) provide mainly immersion education, and cater for 548 children in the region. They have not received state funding, though this may well change in the light of recent political developments and the associated cross-border agreements. The original initiative at the primary level has been taken by members of the minority language group itself, often outside of school hours, or as a private venture which does not secure state funding. Irish-medium provision in Northern Ireland dates back to 1971 when the tension between the two nationalist communities in the region intensified, but it was 1984 before the state committed funds to the school. Two Irish-medium secondary schools have recently been provided by the state. Only a few hundred of the more than 150,000 secondary level pupils receive such an education, but it is a step forward. A further 26,000 pupils in the Catholic schools are taught Irish as a subject. Community-based summer schools are held in the Republic. The main obstacle is the lack of teaching materials.
The Catholic Church plays a significant role in supporting language activities, being particularly prominent in supporting Irish-medium education and cultural activities. Few community activities focus upon the use of Irish, even if the majority of the Catholics are supportive of the language and its use.
Media: There is access to both radio and TV services from western Scotland (in Scots Gaelic) and the Republic of Ireland (in Irish), but little in the way of its own media services.
The Arts: More than a third of those who responded to the language use survey claimed to read Irish language literature from the South. An Irish language library service was opened in 1983. Comcheol (founded 1993) produces musical material for the schools. Borgearrai sa Ghaelige (est. 1990) is a small ICT company. The Arts Council of Northern Ireland, formed in 1994, serves all cultural groups. Among the support offered is support for publication of books and magazines, lectures and Irish music.

Conclusion

Fewer than 300 persons earn their living through the medium of Irish in Northern Ireland. However, it clearly has a symbolic value, which can be transformed into practical gains, especially if a material advantage can accrue from such development.

Bibliography

Corca Dhuibhne Delta. 1926-1986. Linguistics Institute of Ireland, 1992.

Nic Craith, M. ‘The symbolism of language in Northern Ireland’, in U. Kockel (ed.) Landscape, Heritage and Identity: Case-studies in Irish Ethnology. Liverpool University Press, 1995, pp. 11-46.

O Riágain, Padraig, Language Policy and Social Reproduction: Ireland 1893-1993. Oxford Studies in Language Contact. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1997.

O Riágain, Padraig, Language maintenance and language shift. Strategies of social reproduction.

Scots (and Ulster Scots)

Introduction

Those who claim Scots is a language maintain that modern English and Scots are both dialects of Old English, which developed from Anglo-Saxon. Written records in Scots survive from the late 14^th century, and from the 15^th century (and prior to the union with England in 1707) it was regarded as, and functioned de facto, as the language of state of Stuart Scotland. Since the 18^th century it has enjoyed no official recognition, until very recently. As a result of the increasing pressure of English, and their close proximity in linguistic terms, modern Scots exists on a continuum, from broad Scots - relatively free of English influence – to Scottish Standard English and is widely regarded as a dialect of English. It is mainly spoken in eastern and southern Scotland.

Ulster Scots dates from the 17th century, with the plantations established by James VI being settled by mainly Presbyterians from west and south central Scotland. Today Ulster Scots tends to be equated with the Unionist population. Its status in Northern Ireland is legitimised by its inclusion in the Good Friday Agreement (10th April 1998) which recognises the ‘the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance in relation to linguistic diversity, including in Northern Ireland, the Irish language, Ulster-Scots and […], all of which are part of the cultural wealth of the island of Ireland’²¹⁰.
From the wording of its ratification of the European Charter on Regional or Minority Languages, the UK government seems to regard Scots and Ulster Scots as separate languages: “b) The United Kingdom declares, in accordance with Article 2, paragraph 1 of the Charter that it recognises that Scots and Ulster Scots meet the Charter’s definition of a regional or minority language for the purposes of Part II of the Charter”.

The use of the language in various fields

Education.. In Scotland, no substantial group of Scots-speaking parents has requested Scots-medium playgroups or nurseries. In primary schools it is not formally taught as a subject, and there are no data on its possible use by teachers as a medium of instruction. There is some non-systematic treatment of Scots literature, especially in secondary schools, often centring on the birthday of poet Robert Burns (25th January). No textbooks exist in Scots, though some material has been published, e.g. by the Association for Scottish Literary Studies, which also publishes works of Scottish literature. The language is not

taught in schools in Northern Ireland.

Business and commerce, Mass media: There are no data on the use or presence of Scots in these fields, either in Scotland or in Northern Ireland. Ulster Scots is used by some local authorities in written form, both on letterheads and in signposting. Other than this, there is just anecdotal evidence of its use, and thus a great need for field research.
The arts: An active Scots Language Resource Centre, largely funded by the Scottish Arts Council, is Scotland's national centre for information on the Scots language and resources. The Scots Leid Associe (Scots Language Society), founded in 1972, promotes Scots in literature, drama, the media, education and in everyday usage, and publishes the literary magazine Lallans. The Scottish National Dictionary Association has released a Concise English-Scots Dictionary, and other dictionaries also exist. An Ulster-Scots Research Centre²¹¹ is being established, to promote research into all aspects of Ulster Scots (particularly speech and literature).
Family and social use: The absence of Scots from education and the lack of a modern Scots standard have contributed to its geographical variation. Moreover, Scots seems not to enjoy the social status of a language. It is still widely regarded as poorly pronounced, grammatically inferior English. Partly as a result of this, and also because of the wide range of varieties, recent attempts to estimate the number speakers have been thwarted. 33% of interviewees aged 18 and over replied “Yes” when asked “Can you speak Scots or a dialect of Scots?” in a 1996 survey conducted by the General Register Office for Scotland; but the addition of named dialects (Glaswegian, Lallans...) distorted the results. About 1·5 million self-defined speakers of Scots resulted, but the high level of subjectivity makes the figure a rough estimate.
In Northern Ireland it is spoken by between 10,000 and 100,000 residents of northern and eastern Ulster and in the Laggan district of County Donegal in the Irish Republic.

Conclusion

Given the contentious nature of 'language' as a concept, it is hard to evaluate Scots by reference to the more conventional parameters used for discussing language in terms of social interaction. Its standardisation as such depends on political and social factors.

Bibliography

European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages: http://www.eblul.org/wow/b.asp

Good Friday Agreement. Text: http://www.belfastloughmedia.com/artikel/agreement.shtml

Máté, Ian (1996) Scots Language: A Report on the Scots Language Research carried out by the General Register Office for Scotland in 1996. Edinburgh: GRO(S).

‘News About and From Ireland’ website: http://www.thenisite.com/politics/ulsterscots.htm

The Scots Language in Education in Scotland. Ljouwert (Friesland), Mercator-Education, 2002.

The Scottish Parliament: CPG on Scots Language / Scots Leid. http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/msps/cpg/cpg-scots.html

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