2ac—Fugitivity = In Between We are not against debate we exist outside of it while being within
Halberstam, 13 (Judith Halberstam, also known as Jack Halberstam, is the Professor of English and Director of The Center for Feminist Research at University of Southern California. “The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study: Stefano Harney and Fred Moten)
In the essay that many people already know best from this volume, "The University and the Undercommons," Moten and Harney come closest to explaining their mission. Refusing to be for or against the university and in fact marking the critical academic as the player who holds the "for and against" logic in place, Moten and Harney lead us to the "Undercommons of the Enlightenment" where subversive in- tellectuals engage both the university and fugitivity: "where the work gets done, where the work gets subverted, where the revolution is still black, still strong." The subversive intellectual, we learn, is unprofes- sional, uncollegial, passionate and disloyal. The subversive intellectual is neither trying to extend the university nor change the university, the subversive intellectual is not toiling in misery and from this place of misery articulating a "general antagonism." In fact, the subversive intellectual enjoys the ride and wants it to be faster and wilder; she does not want a room of his or her own, she wants to be in the world, in the world with others and making the world anew. Moten insists: "Like Deleuze. I believe in the world and want to be in it. I want to be in it all the way to the end of it because I believe in another world in the world and I want to be in that. And I plan to stay a believer, like Curtis Mayfield. But that's beyond me, and even beyond me and Stefano, and out into the world, the other thing, the other world, the joyful noise of the scattered, scatted eschaton, the undercommon refusal of the academy of misery."
Performance is a form of fugitvity—it’s both above and below the radar and helps guide theory towards practice
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 2, RaMan)
Policy debate in Baltimore urban high schools is often all but invisible to anyone but the practitioners. With the exception of occasional news stories and a 2003 60 Minutes segment featuring the Walbrook High School debate squad as an example of the success of Urban Debate Leagues, urban policy debate exists in a somewhat isolated, insular bubble. A performance debate squad, which enacts a radical praxis that disrupts the norms of the more traditional policy debate, would therefore similarly exist under the radar, or even more so. The rhetoric and practice of performance debate is not aligned with the Discourse of public schooling today; it does not fit with reform efforts emphasizing standards, merit pay, accountability. And yet, students engaged in it are acting, in the sense of both performing and doing, in rigorous, activist intellectual work. They are engaging in an activity that is often described as a game, and yet by talking back, they challenge its norms and practices in order to make it relevant to their lives as debaters and as change agents. Further, the activity is performed with the support of a counterhegemonic community that uses structural understandings such as those provided by Critical Race Theory to bridge the gap between theory and real life. The practice creates critical space for leadership development through such structural understanding and by creating space for voice to be heard and critique to be enacted in debate.
2ac—Race Pedagogy Having conversations of race within classrooms opens space for pedagogy that is necessary to combat forms of violence both inside and outside of the academy
Yancy, 2012 - Professor of Philosophy, works primarily in the areas of critical philosophy of race, critical whiteness studies, and philosophy of the Black experience. (George; “Look, A White!”; Article; Pg. 60-61; DOA: 7/10/15; ProjectMUSE || NDW)
Pedagogically engaging issues of race and racism calls for deeper levels of analysis; it involves exploring aspects of the self that often operate beneath the radar of conscious reflection. The transformation of consciousness is not limited to pedagogies that stress the mere manipulation and mastery of concepts. Rather, it is linked to a form of critical pedagogy that provides “students with ways of knowing that enable them to know themselves better [that is, more complexly and more deeply] and live in the world more fully.”29 Emphasis is also placed on what one does in the world. Hooks does not reject the love of ideas, but she links this love to “the quest for knowledge that enables us to unite theory and practice.”30 In this way, “the classroom becomes a dynamic place where transformations in social relations are concretely actualized and the false dichotomy between the world outside and the inside world of the academy disappears.”31 Hence, self-actualization in relation to issues of race and racism is not simply about one’s ability to comprehend concepts in the confines of a classroom. According to hooks, the world outside and inside the walls of the academy constitute a continuum. While it is important for her that practices of freedom take place in the classroom, spaces that often teach conformity, such practices must extend beyond. Healers, in this case both teachers/professors and students, are not navel gazers, but are committed to social praxis. In short, we must act and reflect “upon the world in order to change it.”32
2ac—Performative Pedagogy Performative pedagogy is the pedagogy of the oppressed that forces the oppress to question the “normal”
Warren and Fassett, 2004 [The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004) 411-430John T. Warren is an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green State University, where he teaches courses in performance, culture, identity, and power. Deanna L. Fassett is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication Studies at San José State University, where she teaches courses in instructional communication and critical, feminist, and performative pedagogies //liam TAM]
Performative pedagogy, as a method and theory of the body, can ask questions in a way that points to the structure and machinery of whiteness. It can put flesh to the concept of whiteness. It can point to whiteness's perceived absence. It can name the norm. Performative pedagogy, in this way, can serve as a pedagogy of the oppressor—it can ask those in positions of power (via sex, race, class, or sexuality) to question their own embodied experiences by demanding that they encounter the other through the mode of performance. For if whiteness functions in dominant discourse as the unmarked center of cultural power, then a performative pedagogy can and must ask how we can create a ground for subversion. Performative pedagogy, as a method of enfleshment that brings theory to the body, can question the normal, stable, inevitable actualization of race, nurturing subversive possibility.
2ac—Prisons You can’t get free inside the prison, and we define prisons as institutions that don’t allow for freedom – this widened interpretation is vital to disassemble hierarchy
Nagel and Nocella 13 [2013, Mechthild Nagel (Feminist Journal), “The End of Prisons: Reflections from the Decarceration Movement, edited”, online, Google Books, https://books.google.com/books?id=TZAjAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA3&lpg=PA3&dq=The+original+working+title+for+this+volume+was+Prison+Abolition.+After+discussion+among+the+contributors+however,+we+changed+the+title+to+The+End+of+Prisons.&source=bl&ots=wXMtuq07fB&sig=oI8ahleYYLf2pViywJmNfDhip3I&hl=en&sa=X&ei=0ISdVYTxBcWfsgHbsLPoDg&ved=0CB8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=The%20original%20working%20title%20for%20this%20volume%20was%20Prison%20Abolition.%20After%20discussion%20among%20the%20contributors%20however%2C%20we%20changed%20the%20title%20to%20The%20End%20of%20Prisons.&f=false, RaMan]
The original working title for this volume was Prison Abolition. After discussion among the contributors however, we changed the title to The End of Prisons. First, we wish to raise discussions about the telos of prisons – what purpose do they have?Second, Prison abolition is strongly related to a particular movement to end the prison industrial complex. Following Michel Foucault(1977), we argue that prisons are also institutions such as schools, nursing homes, jails, daycare centers, parks, zoos, reservations and marriage, just to name a few. Prisons are all around us and constructed by those in dominant oppressive authoritarian positions. There are many types of prisons – religious prisons, social prisons, political prisons, economic prisons, educational prisons, and, of course, criminal prisons. Individuals leave one prison only to enter another. From daycare to school to a nursing home, we are a nation of instutionalized prisons. Criminal prisons in the United States are not officially referred to as such, but rather as correctional facilities. A prison, as we define it in this volume, is an institution or system that oppresses and does not allow freedom for a particular group. Within this definition, we include the imprisonment of non-human animals and plants, which are too often overlooked. Michel Foucault (1977) famously said, “Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?” (p. 288). We believe that this volume is one of the first to extend Foucault’s logic, by making a connection between coercive institutions and all systems of domination as forms of prisons. We argue that the conception of prison is far reaching, always changing and adapting to the times and the socio-political environment. We expand the concept of prison from concrete walls, barbed wire, gates and fences to many of the institutions and systems throughout society such as schools, mental hospitals, reservations for indigenous Americans, zoos for non-human animals, and national parks and urban cultivated green spaces for the ecological community. United States imperialism, which promotes global domination and capitalism, not only imprisons convicted criminals but its people, land, non-human animals, those that surround it (non-United States citizens) and those trapped within it (American Indians and immigrants).
2ac – State Bad The state is incurable and the former slave will always be subject to extreme forms of torture, terror, and violence at its hands
Dillon 13 assistant professor of Queer Studies, holds a B.A. from the University of Iowa and a Ph.D. in American Studies with a minor in Critical Feminist and Sexuality Studies from the University of Minnesota. (Stephen, “Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State “,A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA , May 2013 //SRSL)
During the past few decades, some scholars have followed the intellectual lead of prisoners and activists in the 1960s and 1970s by exploring the legal, discursive, and institutional relationships between chattel-slavery and the modern prison. Most critically, the connection between slavery and the prison is formalized and institutionalized by the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution which reads: “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”46 Joy James refers to this as an “enslaving anti-enslavement narrative,” since the Thirteenth Amendment recreates and repositions slavery inside the prison, even as it abolishes it in the “free world.”47 This was made clear during congressional debates about the meanings of emancipation, when Senator Charles Sumner presented to Congress a notice from the sheriff of Anne Arundel County in Maryland: Public Sale.—The undersigned will sell at the court-house door, in the city of Annapolis, at twelve o’ clock, on Saturday, 8th December, 1866, a negro man named Richard Harris, for six months, convicted at the October term, 1866, of the Anne Arundel county circuit court for larceny, and sentenced by the court to be sold as a slave. Terms of sale, cash.48 Just six years later, the Supreme Court declared in Ruffin v. Commonwealth (1871) that prisoners were civically dead (dead to the law) and “slaves of the state.”49 The power of the law converted the slave into a prisoner and the prisoner into a slave. In this way, the law criminalized race, racialized crime, and allowed slavery to live on, or possess, the law. And so, with the end of one form of slavery came new mechanisms to control, exploit, and contain black bodies, labor, and freedom. As the historian David Oshinsky writes, “Law enforcement now meant keeping ex-slaves in line.”50 After the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation, the convict-lease system emerged as one mechanism in slavery’s aftermath that extended and renewed the confinement and exploitation of black people. Throughout the south, black people (former slaves) were rounded up and charged with “crimes” that in the past would be punished by the torture and terror of the master. The theft of a pig, “insulting gestures,” cohabitating with whites, “mischief,” being unemployed, and vagrancy were now crimes that would be punished by the state. The law of the master was now the law of the land: “An offense against Mr. Shields had become an offense against the state.”51 Former slaves were arrested and leased to private contractors to be worked until death. What was once personal property was made public and since black bodies were no longer owned by private individuals but rather leased by the state, many contractors felt free to work convicts to death. As one private contractor put it, “Before the war, we owned the negroes. If a man had a good negro, he could afford to keep him…But these convicts we don’t own ‘em. One dies, get another.”52 Without private investment and ownership by the master, black bodies were subject to even more extreme forms of torture, terror, and violence. The legal construction of new forms of freedom ushered in new mechanisms for producing human disposability. Black pain, injury, and death did not slow the accumulation of capital in the same way as they did under plantation slavery; one could just “get another.” But the convict-lease system was just one mechanism among a massive regime of racialized power and violence that allowed the spirit of slavery to live on. Like the writing of Boggs and Shakur, the sociologist Loïc Wacquant has extended this analysis of the relationship between race, the carceral, and death to encompass the twentieth century as a whole. He argues that the prison is part of a “carceral continuum” that traverses time (slavery, the convict-lease system, Jim Crow, and the early ghetto) and space (the prison, schools, welfare, and the hyper-ghetto) to manage and contain populations rendered surplus or disposable to the racial state and neoliberal capital.53 In this way, an anti-blackness established under chattel-slavery possesses and structures a variety of institutions over space and time. Thus, we might modify Foucault’s famous question, “Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?” to include the plantation, the slave ship, the coffle, and the auction block.54 Although the connections between slavery and the prison are important to this project, I am also interested in more expansive understandings of the afterlife of slavery. In particular, I am concerned with theories that can help make the connection between the market under chattel-slavery and the market under neoliberalism. In other words, the afterlife of slavery structures much more than the prison or even more than Wacquant’s “carceral continuum.” For instance, Christina Sharpe argues that our very subjectivity is indebted to, and born out of, the “discursive codes of slavery and post-slavery.” For Sharpe, engaging and analyzing a “post-slavery subjectivity” means examining subjectivities constituted by trans-Atlantic slavery and connecting them to present (and past) “mundane horrors that aren’t acknowledged to be horrors.”55 This is one of the main projects of black feminism, as exemplified by Boggs’ engagement with the seemingly innocuous institutions of insurance, state bureaucracy, and the university.56 This project is also central to Hortense Spillers’s classic essay, “Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar book,” where she connects slavery to the life of the symbolic world. She writes: Even though the captive flesh/body has been ‘liberated,’ and no one need pretend that even the quotation marks do not matter, dominant symbolic activity, the ruling episteme that releases the dynamics of naming and valuation, remains grounded in originating metaphors of captivity and mutilation, so that it is as if neither time nor history, nor historiography or its topics, show movement, as the human subject is ‘murdered’ over and over again by the passions of a bloodless and anonymous archaism, showing itself in endless disguise.57 Like Jackson and Shakur, Spillers argues that slavery ruptures the progress of time. The ways meaning and value are institutionalized have been determined by the violence and terror of slavery. Slavery is a death sentence enacted across generations, one that changes name and shape as time progresses. Freedom presupposes and builds on slavery so that post-slavery subjectivities are shaped by forms of power that resemble and sometimes mimic power under slavery (force, terror, sexual violence, compulsion, torture) while they are also confined by the post-emancipation technologies of consent, reason, will, and choice.58 Frank Wilderson summarizes this more expansive understanding of the afterlife of slavery: “The imaginary of the state and civil society is parasitic on the Middle Passage. Put another way, No slave no world.”59 According to Wilderson, slavery connotes an ontological (not experiential) status for blackness, one that is shaped not by exploitation and alienation, but by accumulation and fungibility (the condition of being owned and traded.).60 In this way, slavery does not lay dormant in the past, but became attached to the political ontology of blackness.61 What is most crucial for my project on the relationship between the afterlife of slavery and neoliberalism is that as freedom navigated the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was not innocent and it did not come alone. Something from the past held on to freedom as it maneuvered time and space. Freedom was possessed by its opposite, a ghost wished away by liberal thought that did not so easily disappear. In the 1970s, when the market produced the freedom of capital mobility, individuality, and choice, and the prison manufactured the freedom of safety and security, the spirit of slavery dictated the movements and meanings of that freedom. Indeed, the spirit of slavery lives on in more ways than one can imagine: in the shade of tree-lined suburban streets, in definitions and measures of value, in the prosperity and health of some, and in the hail of the police as one walks down the street. It guides bullets and bombs, makes visible what we see, and vanishes what is right in front of us. It is laced in the cement and steel of the prison, solidified in dreams of liberation, and embedded in psychic life. Although it is sometimes recognizable, it also lives on in what we do not know and cannot remember— in the lives erased, expunged, ended or that were simply never recorded to begin with. Whether it comes as spectacle or something one cannot see or feel, it is always there. The spirit of slavery does more then meddle in the present; rather, it has intensified, seduced, enveloped, and animated contemporary formations of power. Possession names the ways that the operations of corporate, state, individual, and institutional bodies are sometimes beyond the self-possessed will of the living. Something else is also in control, something that may feel like nothing even as it compels movement, motivates ideology, and drives the organization of life and death. In this way, slavery is not a ghost lingering in the corner of the room—rather, its spirit animates the architecture of the house as a whole. The past does not merely haunt the present; it composes the present. As Toni Morrison writes, “All of it is now, it is always now.”62
Prefer this impact – structural violence is invisible and exponential and you have an ethical duty to challenge it
Nixon 11
(Rob, Rachel Carson Professor of English, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor, pgs. 2-3)
Three primary concerns animate this book, chief among them my conviction that we urgently need to rethink-politically, imaginatively, and theoretically-what I call "slow violence." By slow violence I mean a violence that occurs gradually and out of sight, a violence of delayed destruction that is dispersed across time and space, an attritional violence that is typically not viewed as violence at all. Violence is customarily conceived as an event or action that is immediate in time, explosive and spectacular in space, and as erupting into instant sensational visibility. We need, I believe, to engage a different kind of violence, a violence that is neither spectacular nor instantaneous, but rather incremental and accretive, its calamitous repercussions playing out across a range of temporal scales. In so doing, we also need to engage the representational, narrative, and strategic challenges posed by the relative invisibility of slow violence. Climate change, the thawing cryosphere, toxic drift, biomagnification, deforestation, the radioactive aftermaths of wars, acidifying oceans, and a host of other slowly unfolding environmental catastrophes present formidable representational obstacles that can hinder our efforts to mobilize and act decisively. The long dyings-the staggered and staggeringly discounted casualties, both human and ecological that result from war's toxic aftermaths or climate change-are underrepresented in strategic planning as well as in human memory. Had Summers advocated invading Africa with weapons of mass destruction, his proposal would have fallen under conventional definitions of violence and been perceived as a military or even an imperial invasion. Advocating invading countries with mass forms of slow-motion toxicity, however, requires rethinking our accepted assumptions of violence to include slow violence. Such a rethinking requires that we complicate conventional assumptions about violence as a highly visible act that is newsworthy because it is event focused, time bound, and body bound. We need to account for how the temporal dispersion of slow violence affects the way we perceive and respond to a variety of social afflictions-from domestic abuse to posttraumatic stress and, in particular, environmental calamities. A major challenge is representational: how to devise arresting stories, images, and symbols adequate to the pervasive but elusive violence of delayed effects. Crucially, slow violence is often not just attritional but also exponential, operating as a major threat multiplier; it can fuel long-term, proliferating conflicts in situations where the conditions for sustaining life become increasingly but gradually degraded.
Hip Hop Key/Pedagogy Hip Hop helps to break down the disembodied whiteness of the activity.
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 251-252, RaMan]
Further, the hip-hop music that animates many critical debate rounds is a sonic disturbance to this quiet white space, an aural representation of the Black bodies playing it. The presence of music in a debate round, the Blackness of hip-hop, etc., all conspire against this disembodied whiteness. As Duane Hartman said: [Performativity] deals with the performance of the body. And being able to identify something by the performance of the body. And that doesn’t necessarily have to be active, you know, it could just be looking at you. What makes a woman a woman is based on the performance of that body. And so that gender becomes a performative identity. And so their argument became the way in which we express ourselves within debate, is based on the performance of our bodies as Black males, Black females. (Hartman, group interview I, p. 11) What might the “unique styles and expressions” that Ede Warner and Jon Bruschke (both veteran collegiate debate coaches) called for look like? Jason Burton described the beginnings of performance debate at the University of Louisville as an effort to increase participation of Black students. He said that the Ede Warner, who was the founder of that program, “began to introduce hip-hop music into debate rounds” as a way of doing so (Jason Burton, group interview I, p. 3). The beginnings, then, had to do with changing the style of debate to include culturally Black art as part of the debate performance. These performances often still include hip-hop music, often pre-recorded, as part of debate. In addition, to give just a few examples, students from Paul Robeson High School have played West African percussion and danced, read narratives about their families, created poetry. Student participant Jessica Cooper describes singing in debate, as a way of being comfortable in debate by making it relate to her experience: “... in debate we, like I’ll sing my first speech because like, like first it was like a way for me to be comfortable in the round....For me, singing was a way for me to make myself comfortable and a way for me to make debate relate to me and my community” (Jessica Cooper, interview, p. 2).
State Fails—Halberstam We have to abandon the state and stop trying to be appeal to it. Their framework is bs
Halberstam, 13 (Judith Halberstam, also known as Jack Halberstam, is the Professor of English and Director of The Center for Feminist Research at University of Southern California. “The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study: Stefano Harney and Fred Moten)
If you want to know what the undercommons wants, what Moten and Harney want, what black people, indigenous peoples, queers and poor people want, what we (the "we" who cohabit in the space of the undercommons) want, it is this - we cannot be satisfied with the rec- ognition and acknowledgement generated by the very system that denies a) that anything was ever broken and b) that we deserved to be the broken part; so we refuse to ask for recognition and instead we want to take apart, dismantle, tear down the structure that, right now, limits our ability to find each other, to see beyond it and to access the places that we know lie outside its walls. We cannot say what new structures will replace the ones we live with yet, because once we have torn shit down, we will inevitably see more and see differently and feel a new sense of wanting and being and becoming. What we want after "the break" will be different from what we think we want before the break and both are necessarily different from the desire that issues from being in the break.
State Fails—Reid-Brinkley The state can’t solve the framing of the black body—visible political movements have failed to challenge squo power structures
Reid-Brinkley 08 [Shanara Rose. PhD in Philosophy from the University of Georgia. The Harsh Realities Of “Acting Black”: How African-American Policy Debaters Negotiate Representation Through Racial Performance And Style. https://getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/reid-brinkley_shanara_r_200805_phd.pdf pgs 19-20. 7/5]//kmc
Thus, America faces a grave difficulty in resolving this situation. We find it difficult to understand why such a situation exists in the first place. In essence, it is difficult to believe that the Civil Rights Movement and the passage of legal legislation to end segregation and 8 discriminatory practices, targeted at racial and ethnic minorities, did not permanently resolve the problem. Theoretically, all Americans have equal access to the tools that are necessary to lead a successful life with the full benefits of citizenship. The Civil Rights Movement and the Women’s Movement ensured that racial and ethnic minorities and women achieved equality with white men and thus barriers to their successful participation in society had been removed. If equality has been achieved, and yet we find that the heretofore excluded populations are still unable to achieve the educational and economic heights of the American dream, then one must look to that population for the explanation rather than to American society in general.
No Going Back Our aff brings the humanities back to the activity, and it's too late to get rid of them anyway.
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 182-183, RaMan]
Shanahan also believes that attempting to eradicate critical styles of debate is not only foolish, but too late: “To consider debate without Kritiks, at this time, is like considering a policy alternative by wishing away the status quo. Kritiks are part of contemporary ‘policy’ debate” (Shanahan, 2004, p. 67). Shanahan agrees with Bruschke that the debate community should join the rest of academia in dealing with intellectual conflict, and points out that ignoring such critical thinking for some years damaged the debate community. “Even the most casual glance across a variety of disciplines demonstrated the irrefutable relevance of so-called post-structuralism and postmodernism to debate practice. .... How could such a sophisticated argumentative community fail to consider and evaluate the relevance of such far-reaching and important changes in academic scholarship?” (Shanahan, 2004, p. 73). For many years, then, the collegiate policy debate community isolated itself from intellectual currents in humanities departments. Shanahan suggests that this isolationism kept them from using those ideas to advance their practice and to stay relevant to academic as a whole. Becoming more open to intellectual ideas, as opposed to attempting to preserve the discipline as-is, is therefore a positive development, according to Shanahan and Bruschke.
Social Location Our aff allows debaters to connect global issues with their social location.
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 191-192, RaMan]
The attempt, then, is to allow students to connect the arguments they hear in debate with their own experiences. The result is that students are speaking from their social location. They are not just talking about “what went on at home” as emotional venting or commiseration, however valuable that may be; instead, they are becoming cognizant of the structural nature of their home and community lives and linking them to the concepts they learn about in debate. There is an analytical approach. Aaron explained: And I think ... what gets people into debate, is when they apply those arguments that they read to their lives and see how they actually connect to the real world themselves.... I just don’t look at arguments and say ‘Hmm, I’m gonna run this.’ and say okay I look into the arguments and say ‘ok how does this work in the real world. Like, what do people really think about these type of arguments. And how do people feel about them, and economic social conditions or political conditions that we live in now. (Aaron, interview, p. 3) Performance debate revolves around the pertinence of social location to argumentation and theorizing. Andre Rubens, a coach, explained how his students created such connections between social location and theory: Well the resolution for us, like when we debate each year, starts from a perspective of what those words mean to someone living in their social condition. So for example when you when you’re in the inner city and you think of police presence, what does that mean to you? Usually that means squad cars yelling out with bullhorns at your friends. Or presence that scares you to death when you hear that siren. What is it, that that tense feeling when [imitates police car siren pull-up noise] woo-woop! of a police siren, what does it mean when you hear that. .... what does this resolution, ... how do you feel about it, speaking as a person from where you’re from. What does this mean to you. (Andre Rubens, group interview II, p. 19) As noted in Chapter 1, while performance debate used to more often take a metaphorical approach to a resolution or to reject it altogether in favor of a metacognitive look at the debate community, the relationship to the resolution has changed as the practice has evolved. As Rubens puts it, his team’s practice started with the relationship between the resolution and the debaters’ own experience with component parts of the resolution, in this case, “police presence” and their own experiences with it. By doing so, the team not only connected their own experiences to the resolution but connected themselves to people affected by United States “liberal” foreign policy. They were able to link their oppression to others’, creating a sense of solidarity with people very far away and developing a more general understanding of the way power is used to oppress. Rubens noted, “when we conceive of the question of Iraq and Afghanistan, we can make parallels between how the military acts in Iraq and Afghanistan as the same way the police do in urban America” (group interview II, p. 1). So, in this case we see that not only are various US oppression linked, such as gender and race, but also that performance debate can foster a more global outlook. Global white supremacy, a concept discussed by Charles W. Mills, can be seen if the US military and local US police forces are compared, or if the oppression of Black and Brown people world-wide is noticed.
A2 Equity/Fairness Debate is not conformed to rules. It’s about 2 opposing sides convincing the listener about their argument.
Glazer and Rubenstein 2K [May 2000, Jacob Glazer (The Faculty of Management, Tel Aviv University) and Ariel Rubenstein (The School of Economics, Tel Aviv University and the Department of Economics, Princeton University. Most of this author’s research was conducted while he was a visiting scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation, New York during the academic year 1996-7), “Debates and Decisions: On a Rationale of Argumentation Rules”, online, http://arielrubinstein.tau.ac.il/papers/debates.pdf, RaMan]
This paper is a part of our long-term research agenda for studying different aspects of debates using game theoretic tools. Debates are common phenomena in our daily life. In a debate, two or more parties (the debaters), who disagree regarding some issue, raise arguments to support their positions or to rebuff the other party’s arguments. Sometimes the purpose of the debaters is to argue just for the sake of arguing, and sometimes their aim is to try to convince the other party to change his position. In this paper, however, the purpose of each debater is to persuade a third party (the listener) to support his position. Note that a debate is different from bargaining and war, which are also mechanisms for conflict resolutions, in that the outcome of those mechanisms heavily depend on the rivals' power. A debate is different from a conversation, which is also a mechanism in which interested parties make arguments, in that in a conversation, there is a common interest among the parties. We view a debate as a mechanism by which an uninformed decision-maker (the listener) extracts information from two informed parties (the debaters). The debaters hold contradicting positions about the decision that should be made. The right conclusion depends on several outcomes. During the debate the debaters raise arguments to support their respective positions and on the basis of these arguments, the listener reaches a conclusion regarding the right decision. When we say that a debater raises the argument x, we mean that he reveals that aspect x supports his position. When the other debater responds to an argument x with an argument y, we refer to argument y as a counterargument. The realizations of the aspects are assumed to be independent. All aspects are assumed to be equally weighted, in the sense that all of them have the same value of information regarding the right decision. In this paper, we address only the issue of the relative strength of arguments and counterarguments. Under the above assumptions one may expect the optimal debate conclusion to be a function only of the number of arguments made by each party. Our Page 5 intuitions supported by some experimental evidence is that this is not correct: after one argument has been made by one party, the subjects, in the role of the other party, may find the seemingly equal counterarguments unequally persuasive. Normatively, we investigate the optimal debate rules within a simple example. We show, that the optimal debate rules have the property that the strength of a counterargument may depends on the argument it is countering, even when there is no informational dependency between the two arguments. In particular, we show the invalidity of the following principle, regarding the dependency of the outcome of a debate on two the argument raised by one debater and the counterargument raised by the other debater: The Debate Consistency (DC) Principle: It is impossible that"x wins the debate" if y is brought up as a counterargument to x, but "y wins the debate" if x is brought up as a counterargument to y. We show that this principle is not necessarily a property of debate rules optimally designed to extract information from the debaters. Let us emphasize that we do not intend to provide a general theory of debates. Our only aim is to point out that the logic of the optimal design of debating rules is subtle and contains some features which are not intuitive.
A2 Limits/Stasis Good Our refusal of their call to order is how we have spill over because that disorder will continue when we leave
Halberstam, 13 (Judith Halberstam, also known as Jack Halberstam, is the Professor of English and Director of The Center for Feminist Research at University of Southern California. “The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study: Stefano Harney and Fred Moten)
The path to the wild beyond is paved with refusal. In The Undercommons if we begin anywhere, we begin with the right to refuse what has been refused to you. Citing Gayatri Spivak, Moten and Harney call this refusal the "first right" and it is a game-changing kind of refusal in that it signals the refusal of the choices as offered. We can under- stand this refusal in terms that Chandan Reddy lays out in Freedom With Violence (2011) - for Reddy, gay marriage is the option that can- not be opposed in the ballot box. While we can circulate multiple cri- tiques of gay marriage in terms of its institutionalization of intimacy, when you arrive at the ballot box, pen in hand, you only get to check "yes" or "no" and the no, in this case, could be more damning than the yes. And so, you must refuse the choice as offered. Moten and Harney also study what it would mean to refuse what they term "the call to order." And what would it mean, furthermore, to refuse to call others to order, to refuse interpellation and the reinstantiation of the law. When we refuse, Moten and Harney suggest, we create dissonance and more importantly, we allow dissonance to continue - when we enter a classroom and we refuse to call it to order, we are allowing study to continue, dissonant study perhaps, disorgan- ized study, but study that precedes our call and will continue after we have left the room. Or, when we listen to music, we must refuse the idea that music happens only when the musician enters and picks up an instrument; music is also the anticipation of the performance and the noises of appreciation it generates and the speaking that happens through and around it, making it and loving it, being in it while lis- tening. And so, when we refuse the call to order - the teacher pick- ing up the book, the conductor raising his baton, the speaker asking for silence, the torturer tightening the noose - we refuse order as the distinction between noise and music, chatter and knowledge, pain and truth.
A2 Master’s Tools Learning the master’s tools is a joke – the master’s tools will never dismantle the master's house
Bensimon 03 [June 2003, Catherine Bensimon (Professor of Educational Policy and Administration at the University of Southern California), “Like it or Not: Feminist Critical Policy Analysis Matters”, online, https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1G1-101862111/like-it-or-not-feminist-critical-policy-analysism, RaMan]
Master as Expert, Master as Oppressor Anderson's critique rests on the assumption that her definition of the word "master" is everyone's definition. The meaning she ascribes to master can be gleaned in the assertions she makes, such as, "Feminists cannot reject the master’s tools, and that it is a good thing t00; . . . in- creasing one's sensitivity to the nuances of the master's tools is the only way to go; Bensimon and Marshall . . . follow linguistic rules that re- veal their mastery of academic ways of making meaning; . . . they [follow] established academic protocols, . . . the ‘tools of critique’ . . . they urge upon their readers are synonymous with the master's tools . . . the challenges they offer would not make sense to other members of the profession . . . if Bensimon and Marshall had not mastered some of the academic protocols handed down by men" (emphasis added). For Anderson the meaning of "master" is strictly academic; it has to do with expertise or command of the "linguistic rules" that signify one's "mastery of academic ways of making meaning" that separate the masters from the apprentices and distinguish between academic insiders and non-academics. Thus, according to Anderson, the master’s tools (i.e.. methods) are "nothing more than ways of apprehending the world" that have been handed down to women, presumably because these are the only ways of apprehending the world or because women academics are incapable of developing their own ways of apprehending' the world. Joan Scott (l988) reminds us that "words, like the ideas and things they are meant to signify, have a history," And the history that Anderson associates with the word "master" is fundamentally different from the history that moved Audre Lorde to declare, "The master’s tools will never dismantle the master's house." The presumption that the master's definition is everyone's definition is precisely the kind of reasoning that leads to analyses that are faulty, partial, and distorting. The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House was the title of a talk given by Audre Lorde on a panel, "The Personal and the Political," featured at the Second Sex Conference held in New York City on October 29, 1979. The title was intended as a criticism of white academic feminists who, in including black feminists only in those sessions that had something to do with race and leaving them out of topics such as existentialism, the erotic, feminist theory, etc., were in fact using the "tools of a racist patriarchy . . . to examine the fruits of that same patriarchy" (Lorde, I984, p. 98). Lorde's point was that feminist scholars have turned to the "master's tools" in order to gain acceptability and tit into the established disciplinary canons. In contrast, Lorde urges us to tum the "differences" that are the mark of marginalized populations into strengths. She goes on to say, For the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the master's house as their only source of support. (Lorde, 1984, p. 99). For black people the term "master" is embedded in a horrific history of legalized injustice and violence. It connotes the control of one person over another or others based on skin color. Master is associated with the institutions of slavery. It is also associated with masculine representations such as the "man who serves as head of a household" or a "male teacher," as for example, in Anderson's conception of male academics handing down methods to feminist academics. Standpoint feminism helps us expand on Lorde’s use of the term master and its relevance to the project of feminist and critical policy analysis. Feminist standpoint theorists make a case for the view from the bottom, "the slave," as the more complete one. "The point of departure for standpoint feminist epistemology is the idea that knowledge is socially situated. It follows that in order to interpret and understand the situation of a particular group of people, thought has to start from their lives. Essentially, standpoint feminist epistemology urges us to move away from the idea of simply adding the "other" to preexisting frameworks and directs us to ground knowledge on the particular experience of the people we want to understand" (Lorde, 1984, p. 144). Accordingly, standpoint feminists reject the "master's" view because it is partial and distorting. It is partial because it is derived from a vision of reality that takes into account only the reality of the dominant class or power holders. It is distorting because it tends to normalize the experience of the "master" as the generic experience. In contrast, Audre Lorde urges us "to stand alone, unpopular and sometimes reviled . . . to take our differences and make them strengths" (Lorde. 1984, p. 112). Similarly, standpoint feminists suggest that the position of "outsider within" (Hill Collins, 1986) and "borderline" position (Anzaldua, 1987) provide a vision of the academy and relations within it that are inverse to the master's view (Harding, l99l; Hartsock. 1983). For example, Patricia Hill Collins argues that it is the awareness of her marginal status as the "outsider within" that provides the black female intellectual with a unique black feminist standpoint from which to analyze life in the academy. She observes, "It is the "outsider within" who is more likely to challenge the knowledge claims of insiders, to acknowledge the discrepancy between insiders' accounts of human behavior and her own experiences and to identify anomalies" (Fonow & Cook, 1991. p. 3). As black feminists make clear, to accept the master's tools could be self-destructive because it would require us to adopt theories and methods - the tools - that historically have excluded women or devalued them. Lorde’s dictum, in the words of .loan Scott, warns us to not be "drawn into the very assumptions of the very discourse we ought to question" (Scott, l998, p. 36). To adopt the master’s tools is to become an insider and assimilate what we described in our work as androcentric perspectives. "But," Anderson asks, "what makes those disciplines and their methods androcentric?" But, we wonder, why ask a question that Anderson herself so clearly answers? How else, other than androcentrism, could we describe the presumption that academic man handed down to us the "academic protocols" that enable our work to be understood and heard? The implication is that fitting in is contingent on compliance with his rules.
A2 People Quit** Their discomfort in the shape of T and Framework is proof that our “evil” plan is working
Warren and Fassett, 2004 [The Johns Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004) 411-430John T. Warren is an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green State University, where he teaches courses in performance, culture, identity, and power. Deanna L. Fassett is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication Studies at San José State University, where she teaches courses in instructional communication and critical, feminist, and performative pedagogies //liam TAM]
Further, this engagement engenders less defensiveness for white subjects because it begins with their experiential interaction with this material, giving acknowledgment to their voices and their experiences. And while their under- standings of power and racial inequality are being challenged, they are not individually identified as evil racists who are inflicting intentional harm onto others. Rather, these workshops attempt to move them to reflect on their own everyday behaviors by helping them to see that they too are caught up in sys- tems of cultural power. As Foucault made clear, power is not a zero-sum game, an item that some may possess and so others may not. Rather, power is fluid, flowing through everyone but not fixed anywhere in particular. When we re- move the white subject from the site of direct critique, we avoid the defensive mechanisms that white privilege breeds. It is here that we might just move toward subverting their notions of how racism functions. And if we do that, whiteness loses its naturalness and is seen as the construct it is.But one should never lose sight of the fact that this pedagogy asks white students/participants to question themselves and their relation to whiteness. It destabilizes the comfort with which they live their lives. Often, we learn from white students who participate in these workshops that they can't imagine liv- ing their lives in the same way after this experience. Indeed, some say that they now are obsessed with their own social position and can't watch television, listen to politicians, interact with other members of their family, or teach in the same way that they used to because they are so uncomfortable with their aware- ness of their cultural privilege that they must search out some kind of change. Thus, they move from comfort to discomfort, from safety to risk. While we want to acknowledge their feelings of discomfort and vulnerability, we also want to embrace and celebrate that repositioning.
Their framework destroys participation by shutting down modes of expression that widen the scope of the activity by increasing participation of socially conscious debaters
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 182-183, RaMan]
What would such problem-posing education, such “unveiling of reality,” look like for students? C. Wright Mills’ concept of the sociological imagination is useful here. The sociological imagination is a way of thinking based on a distinction between troubles and issues. These are the “personal troubles of milieu” as opposed to the “public issues of social structure” that occur when “various milieu overlap and interpenetrate to form the larger structure of social and historical life” (Mills, 1959, p. 8). Mills uses unemployment to illustrate this distinction. If a couple of people in a city of several million are unemployed, those people are experiencing troubles. If, however, a third of the city is unemployed, “Both the correct statement of the problem and the range of possible solutions require us to consider the economic and political institutions of the society, and not merely the personal situation and character of a scatter of individuals” (Mills, 1959, p. 9). In the case of my students, they were stating the problem and thus were considering solutions as being “personal situation and character” rather than looking at them on a structural, institutional level. Once we are employing a sociological imagination to understand issues as opposed to troubles, we are least understanding the problem at a more appropriate level of analysis. What oppresses people? We are looking at larger-scale institutional and structural explanations, as opposed to troubles-based explanations such as “Black people are lazy,” which fail to take into account anything other than psychological explanations for individual behavior. They fail to notice the issues facing various groups in society more than other groups. They do not allow us to talk productively about racism, or wealth inequality, or any of a number of structural issues. In this section, I look at how the performance debate practice takes an approach that develops students’ sociological imaginations by helping them explore and defend generally structural explanations, before taking a deeper look at how CRT is used to examine race in such a structural light. For some students, this kind of structural talk and theorizing meets a deeply felt need for making sense of their worlds. Perhaps these are students for whom the deep division between American Dream ideology and patterns of inequality has always been a contradiction; perhaps they reject psychological or cultural explanations for inequity In my titular phrase, Aaron described an urban debater as someone who longs for theory: I think our urban debater is a person that longs for theory. Like bell hooks, I long for some theory to... it sounds corny, but, I long for some theory to umm, to express what I was going through. .... How did [a] paradigm like capitalism and a paradigm like government work, in my context of my social-economic condition. And all that questioning, to me made me even long for theory even more. (Aaron, interview, p. 21).
Every single debate that engages issues leaves an impact behind, arguments like our’s influence more young debaters to challenge the system—empirics prove
Peterson 14 [2014, David Peterson (Doctor of Philosophy), “Debating race, race-ing debate: An extended ethnographic case study of black intellectual insurgency in U.S. intercollegiate debate”, online, http://gradworks.umi.com/36/15/3615472.html, RaMan]
The effort of the University of Louisville galvanized a generation of young students who had found themselves in one of the many urban debate leagues around the country. As one student explained, “once I saw Louisville [debate] I knew I could never debate the same way again.” An indication of the influence of the students from Louisville could be seen when they, after several years of being absent from competition (they both graduated in 2004), visited a major national tournament at the University of Kentucky in 2011. The second they stepped onto campus they were greeted as celebrities by the many young black debaters who had seen videos of their old debates. They expressed astonishment at the increase of black participation and the radicalization of oppositional arguments. Though the students were clearly inspired by the University of Louisville and eager to replicate their successes, they pushed the critical envelope beyond the discourse relied upon by the University of Louisville. They had witnessed and heard stories about the way in which Louisville challenged the debate activity and the recalcitrance of debate participants to self- 80 reflect. They thus possessed a particularly oppositional orientation when they entered the activity. They also entered with more experience in traditional debate training than was possessed by most of the Louisville students. Witnessing the lack of meaningful efforts to expand diversity, the new cohort of black students de-emphasized the call for inclusion. As one student told me, “we didn’t say let us in, we just did us.” They were concerned with more fundamental issues of structural white supremacy that characterized even well-intentioned white liberal discourse.
A2 Predictability Good Suggesting that performance is “bad for debate” only reinforces neutrality and causes a vicious cycle of violence
Polson 12 (2012, Dana Roe Polson (PhD in Language Literacy and Culture, UMBC, Baltimore city public and public charter schools high school teacher), “’Longing for Theory:’ Performance Debate in Action”, E-Book pp. 16-18, RaMan)
Finally, situation or context is the third aspect of genre and our attempts to find meaning in genre. The context embraces content and form and “enable[s] interpretation of the action resulting from their fusion” (ibid). What is the context that enables interpretation of critical debate? I think that is a contested question. Many members of the traditional debate community find critical debate “bad for debate.” Performance debate proponents might say that they are directly challenging traditional debate conventions that have become mechanistic and are inherently racist, and that debate must find new ways of becoming less exclusive and more relevant. Specifically, many debate community members such as Preston (a coach and author) suggest that traditional debate practices and pedagogy result in difficulty recruiting minority debaters. He cites Hill as having “noted that learning and communication styles of African Americans may differ from the learning and communication norms of the policy debating community” (Preston, Jr., 2006, p. 162). A call to solve this problem becomes one of the foundations of performance debate practice. Through content and form, performance debaters call for and demonstrate a practice that is inclusive and challenges the norms of the community. Reid-Brinkley quotes a Louisville debater in-round: The university of Louisville enacts a full withdrawal from the traditional norms and procedures of this debate activity. Because this institution, like every other institution in society, has also grown from the roots of racism. Seemingly neutral practices and policies have exclusionary effects on different groups for different reasons. These practices have a long and perpetuating history. (Reid-Brinkley, 2008, p. 114) Reid-Brinkley argues that many performance debate tactics are rhetorical strategies “designed to disrupt the normativity of traditional debate practices.... genre violation [is] a means of using style and performance to combat the social ideologies that result in unequal power relations across race, gender, and class within the national policy debate community” (pp. 78-79). Reid-Brinkley identifies four types of genre violations in critical debate: sonic and spatial disruption, violations of strategic norms, violations of expectations regarding the resolution, and violations of the policymaker debate persona. We can see here the interplay of content, form and context in her argument. The disruptive aural presence of rap music in a debate round, for example, is not coincidental to a substantive message critiquing Eurocentric epistemology and white-normed debate practices, for example. I will discuss such genre violations much more in Chapter 5, as I explain performance debaters’ attempts to do debate rather than just talking about it [social change].
A2 Self-Serving Not sure how you argue this with a straight face – is it that shocking that someone would finally attempt to develop a framework to serve the interests of black students and black scholarship which were erased for this activity’s entire philosophical generation?
Peterson 14 [ 2014, David Peterson (Doctor of Philosophy), “Debating race, race-ing debate: An extended ethnographic case study of black intellectual insurgency in U.S. intercollegiate debate”, online, http://gradworks.umi.com/36/15/3615472.html, RaMan]
Corey and Kevin cited three main objectives in rejecting the traditional debate framework and confronting their mostly white fellow debaters. Their first objective was, they admitted, somewhat self-serving. They were both interested in anti-racist political action and community building outside of the debate activity. Confronting the debate community in an oppositional manner provided them a political training ground for doing so. Kevin explains, Knowing the world we live in is run by people who think like many of the people in the debate community in terms of policy analysis and social issues, I felt it would be productive to test these ideas in the face of overwhelming opposition in order to get the best possible test of these ideas. Going somewhere where people might be more friendly 84 to the criticism or might feel better about it being in a different form doesn’t allow for the type of test that I think is important. Thus, they sought to take advantage of the argumentative prowess possessed by college debaters in order to sharpen their own ability to advocate for “oppressed people.” The fact that white students did not volunteer to be faced with such a criticism (as in the case, for example, of white students electing to take a course African-American studies or attend an anti-racism workshop), and were unlikely to face such a criticism elsewhere, meant for Towson that the reaction and response of these students would provide a particularly valuable training scenario. Like most other students I interviewed, the students from TU were active in their University’s Black Student Union (BSU). However, the relationship between the debate team and the BSU is unique in the case of TU. The debaters at TU, devised a plan to utilize the TU campus in an effort to effectuate larger social change in Baltimore and beyond. These students, devised a plan to utilize campus organizations to train themselves to, as one student put it, “take over the city of Baltimore.” The plan was to take control of leadership in the BSU, the entire Student union, and the university debate team. The debate team was crucial to this plan because it provided a unique site in which to receive training in public speaking and argumentation. They would use this training to help them launch a number of political projects outside the debate activity. Kevin, made headlines as one of the youngest candidates for city council in the city’s history and his organization is active in a number of community-based initiatives. Alumni from TU have recently started a summer debate training institute at Morgan State University for radical debaters. Additionally, many of them work as teachers in the Baltimore Public School system, have gained positions of leadership within the Baltimore UDL and other community organizations and are intent upon utilizing the 85 activity of competitive debate to develop local leaders that act in the interests of the Black population there.
A2 What’d *We* Do? Commission is a crime and your ballot matters – reject their episteme – it only reifies Eurocentric ways of knowing the world – only our approach can produce exchange for those left outside this schema
Peterson 14 [ 2014, David Peterson (Doctor of Philosophy), “Debating race, race-ing debate: An extended ethnographic case study of black intellectual insurgency in U.S. intercollegiate debate”, online, http://gradworks.umi.com/36/15/3615472.html, RaMan]
Corey and Kevin argued that the contemporary social world, and the United States in particular, can best be characterized by practices of “white supremacy.” To support this assertion, they read passages from an array of critical race theorists (Charles Mills, Derrick Bell, Richard Delgado) and black feminist scholars (bell hooks, Patricia Hill Collins) and played clips of music and poetry, in a break from the established norm of relying solely on written academic literature, from African-American artists such as Lauryn Hill, Nas, and Tupac Shakur. They argued further that the intercollegiate competitive debating activity functions to perpetuate white supremacy. To support this assertion they cited the demographic predominance of white males in the activity and, more importantly (to them), their own feelings of exclusion and the operation of “white normativity” and “white aesthetics” at the heart the debate activity’s institutional culture. Kevin explained, The debate community, in terms of its norms and procedures and tradition, endorses epistemologically white European ideas of the world as the best way to engage in political contestation and this then obscures other approaches to developing ideas about knowledge that can be beneficial for people outside of the traditional white male heterosexual framework. TU refused to engage in a traditional debate about US government policy and demanded instead that their white opponents critically interrogate whiteness and white supremacy. They proposed a framework for debate according to which their opponents should be selected “the winner” only 83 on the condition that they could convincingly articulate how their approach to debate, and their desired framework for debate, accounted for and confronted white supremacy. Kevin explains that, We accused the debate community of the crime of commission with white supremacy in terms of the type of scholarship that’s being produced. Because white supremacy is the status quo, by not deploying any political analysis that takes this into consideration will then act to extend the invisibility and pervasiveness of white supremacy. Towson argued they should be selected the “winner” if they could demonstrate that their opponents failed to meet this burden. This proposed framework invited a debate about the nature of white supremacy in the post-civil rights era, the extent of its influence, and the significance of its social consequences. Ideally, Corey and Kevin hoped the debate activity could be a space where debates could be had concerning both the nature of social power and privilege as well as the most appropriate and effective methods of resistance.
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