Now Key – General (2/2)
Coop with China essential – now key
MacDonald, United States Institute of Peace, 5/11/11
[Bruce W., United States Institute of Peace, USIP.org, “Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission onThe Implications of China’s Military and Civil SpacePrograms” 5/11/11 http://www.usip.org/files/resources/bmacdonald_testimony.pdf , accessed 7/1/11, HK]
Most often, the use of OCS would be too costly to U.S. security interests, although some scenarios, such as the threat to U.S. aircraft carriers from ballistic missiles, would completely change this calculus. This entire area requires further study, tabletop exercises not just of space war games, but also “crisis games,” where more attention can be paid to crisis behavior in space, to understand whether certain actions are stabilizing or destabilizing.While the Obama space policy, as did the Bush space policy before it, recognizes that space is a vital U.S. National interest, it seems to overlook the implications of this important reality. In this context, offensive space capabilities cannot be considered just one more weapon in the U.S. arsenal, to be used when tactical circumstances beckon to field commanders. When vital national interests are at stake, great caution must be exercised. As a general rule, where threats to vital national interests are involved, a doctrine of deterrence should be developed and embraced as U.S. policy. We would credibly threaten to use such a capability but not actually seek to do so unless the stakes were extraordinarily high. To do otherwise against a near-peer space power adversary such as China would put our vital national interests at risk. Recommendations The United States should: Put greater effort and resources into understanding the PLA’s space program and larger Chinese military intentions in space. Put more emphasis on understanding how space deterrence works, especially through simulation efforts that specifically target the crisis situation itself, in addition to conflict simulations. Continue seeking to engage China on key space stability issues and ensure that others understand why U.S. and Western diplomatic initiatives and the approach they embody are superior to the Chinese Russian PPWT. Enhance U.S. space situational awareness and space intelligence capabilities Diversify how we provide space information and services to the war fighter and senior national security leaders to reduce dependence on any single link.
China is pursuing an aggressive space policy now, cooperation is key to prevent future attacks
Hays, retired Airforce Lieutenant Colonel, 2009
(Peter L., senior policy analyst supporting the plans and programs division of the National Security Space Office “Space and Sino-American Security Relations” http://web.mac.com/rharrison5/Eisenhower_Center_for_Space_and_Defense_Studies/Journal_Vol_2_No_3_files/Space%20and%20Defense%202_3.pdf SPACE and DEFENSE Volume Two Number Three Winter 2009 accessed: 6/28/11 pg 18) TJL
China’s emphasis on space exploration and its development and use of space capabilities are prominent and tangible expressions of its emergence as a great power and make space an increasingly important dimension of Sino- American relations. In October 2003 China independently launched and recovered its first taikonaut, becoming just the third member of an elite spacefaring club with Russia and the United States. Then in January 2007 China first successfully tested a kinetic energy antisatellite (ASAT) weapon and again joined Russia and the United States as one of only three states known to have demonstrated this capability. China’s growing power and space emphasis may become manifest in mostly peaceful and cooperative ways or may lead to increasing competition and perhaps even conflict with the United States.
Space Key To Cooperation (1/3)
Space is a key to relations but unlikely to help
Richburg, Washington Post, 11
(Keith B. 1-22-11, Washington Post: “Mistrust stalls U.S.-China space cooperation”, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/21/AR2011012104480.html, MLF, accessed 7-1-11)
BEIJING - China's grand ambitions extend literally to the moon, with the country now embarked on a multi-pronged program to establish its own global navigational system, launch a space laboratory and put a Chinese astronaut on the moon within the next decade. The Obama administration views space as ripe territory for cooperation with China. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates has called it one of four potential areas of "strategic dialogue," along with cybersecurity, missile defense and nuclear weapons. And President Obama and Chinese President Hu Jintao vowed after their White House summit last week to "deepen dialogue and exchanges" in the field. But as China ramps up its space initiatives, the diplomatic talk of cooperation has so far found little traction. The Chinese leadership has shown scant interest in opening up the most sensitive details of its program, much of which is controlled by the People's Liberation Army (PLA). At the same time, Chinese scientists and space officials say that Washington's wariness of China's intentions in space, as well as U.S. bans on some high-technology exports, makes cooperation problematic. For now, the U.S.-China relationship in space appears to mirror the one on Earth - a still-dominant but fading superpower facing a new and ambitious rival, with suspicion on both sides. "What you have are two major powers, both of whom use space for military, civilian and commercial purposes," said Dean Cheng, a researcher with the Washington-based Heritage Foundation and an expert on the Chinese military and space program. NASA's human spaceflight program has been in flux in recent years, fueling particular concern among some U.S. observers about the challenge posed by China's initiatives in that area. There is "a lot of very wary, careful, mutual watching," Cheng said. Song Xiaojun, a military expert and commentator on China's CCTV, said that substantial cooperation in the space field is impossible without mutual trust. Achieving that, he said, "depends on whether the U.S. can put away its pride and treat China as a partner to cooperate on equal terms. But I don't see that happening in the near future, since the U.S. is experiencing menopause while China is going through puberty." But while China may still be an adolescent in terms of space exploration - launching its first astronaut in 2003 - it has made some notable strides in recent months and years, and plans seem on track for some major breakthroughs. On the day Hu left for his U.S. trip, Chinese news media reported the inauguration of a new program to train astronauts - called taikonauts here - for eventual deployment to the first Chinese space station, planned for 2015. As part of the project, two launches are planned for this year, that of an unmanned space module, called Tiangong-1, or "Heavenly Palace," by summer, and later an unmanned Shenzhou spacecraft that will attempt to dock with it. On a separate track, China is also working through a three-stage process for carrying out its first manned moon landing. The first stage was completed in October with the successful launch of a Chang'e-2 lunar orbiter. In 2012 or 2013, an unmanned landing craft is scheduled to take a rover to the moon to collect rock and soil samples. By 2020, according to the plan, a taikonaut could land on the moon. Yet a third track is devoted to the development of a Chinese global navigational system, called Beidou, or "Compass," to challenge the current supremacy of the American global positioning system, or GPS. Beidou is scheduled to provide satellite navigation services to the Asia-Pacific region next year and to be fully global by 2020. Chinese academics involved in the space program said Beidou is crucial for China's military. Without its own navigational system, Chinese troops and naval vessels must rely almost exclusively on the American GPS system, which could be manipulated or blocked in case of a conflict. The new system "can cover the civilian and military sides," said Xu Shijie, a professor of astronautics at Beihang University in Beijing. "For the military side, it's more urgent." Xu, who heads a space research team, acknowledged that
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