Internationalisation dans le champ éducatif (18e – 20e siècles) Internationalization in Education (18th – 20th centuries) Genève / Geneva, 27-30 juin / June 2012
Annmarie VALDES, Loyola University, Chicago, U.S.A
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- Kristin RUECKER, University of Geneva, Suisse
- Jeudi / Thursday 8:30 - 10:30 Room: 4389 1.3. Eglises, Etat, Science: débats nationaux - enjeux internationaux / Churches, State, Science: national debates, international issues
- Wenceslau GONÇALVES NETO, Federal University of Uberlandia, Brazil
- Carlos Henrique CARVALHO, Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Brasil
- Maria del Rosario SOTO LESCALE, Universidad Pedagógica Nacional, Mexico
- Alessandro Santos da ROCHA, UEM-Universidade Estadual de Maringá, Brasil; Cezar de Alencar ARNAUT DE TOLEDO, UEM-Universidade Estadual de Maringá, Brasil
- Jeudi / Thursday 8:30 - 10:30 Room: 4393
- Agueda Bernardete BITTENCOURT, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Brasil
- Alice JEKAYINFA, University of Ilorin, Nigeria; Grace AKANBI, Emmanuel Alayande College of Education, Oyo Town, Nigeria
- Thuy Phuong NGUYEN, Université Paris Descartes, France
Annmarie VALDES, Loyola University, Chicago, U.S.A. This historical and philosophical analysis considers school policies and pedagogical practices of two American Indian public schools, one Hawaiian, one Navajo, both which attempt to constrain the forces of American national identity as defined historically as inherently Protestant, capitalist, republican and individualistic that often infiltrate through the institution of school, and have historically diffused indigenous cultural practices. The redefining of indigenous educational practices in public schools within the United States was implemented during two key historical time frames: The Civil Rights movement and the post-Cold War era. Overall these reforms emphasize bilingualism, biculturalism and indigenous nation building within the nation-state. The realignment of indigenous-based educational practice reasserts local, native control over the current, dominant Federal and State control of educational practice and places the indigenous child as the participant and agent of this realignment. Opposition to English-only education practices in the indigenous communities noted in this research positions cultural maintenance as “resistance to monolingualism” and is closely associated with resistance to assimilation and cultural preservation (Gross, 2007; Reyhner, 2010). Conversely, native language immersion is associated with tradition, restoration, connectedness, and cultural consciousness (Gross, 2007; Reyhner, 2010). Thus, cultural maintenance schools serve as one part of a response to an English-only public life in the United States. Moreover with the establishment of schools for native language revitalization, cultural maintenance is embedded as both a minority group practice and as an institutionalized cultural response. Jacob Levy observes that the implications of a given philosophical policy that is endorsed can be analyzed on a case by case basis, but not be constrained by a theoretical framework (Levy, 2000, pp. 125-126). Instead, cultural rights can be “clustered” into “claims” which lend themselves to pro and con arguments, but remain distinct within themselves. These claims are response based actions, derived from the idea that the “external rules restricting non-members liberty to protect member culture” need to be changed (Levy, 2000, p, 126). In this essay cultural maintenance education for the child is clustered under the claim that loss of a culture’s indigenous language de-stabilizes the culture, and takes as a given that “stable linguistic culture is a Rawlsian primary good;»a precondition for cultural survival (Levy, 2000, p. 198). This author argues that in the realm of American education, English language use and a westernized curriculum are based in standardized, simplistic ideological constructs of American identity, and cultural maintenance by children within a minority group is viewed as a multicultural expression within that context, but not employed as integrative practice of American education as a whole. The two cases discussed in this essay both serve as examples of how language is conceived by two minority groups as essential to their indigenous cultural identity. They also serve as examples of how some indigenous cultures have survived linguistic extinction from the assimilative practices of the American educational system by placing the child in the role of cultural protector and practitioner. The World Council of Christian Education and Sunday School Association (WCCESSA) and the Third World: from missionary zeal to secular development of human environment (1907-1971)? Kristin RUECKER, University of Geneva, Suisse The World Council of Christian Education and Sunday School Association (WCCESSA, 1907-1971) is a non-governmental organization with an important colonial and post-colonial history. Its origins dated from the World’s Sunday School Association which came into life in 1907 at the Rome convention. Since its beginnings, the WCCESSA had close relationships to Missionaries and Foreign Missions and took part in today’s controversial colonial history. In 1916, its executive committee was reorganized with representatives of the Foreign Missions Conference. Four year after the founding of the League of Nations, the association became a federation of national and interdenominational bodies aimed at drawing the churches together in the interest of Christian education worldwide. It changed its title several times before becoming the World Council of Christian Education and Sunday School Association in the 1950s. After moving its headquarters to Geneva in the 1960s, the WCCESSA increasingly collaborated with the World Council of Churches (WCC), also headquartered in Calvin’s hometown and accredited to the United Nations. In 1971, after major waves of international decolonization, the Sunday School Association ceased being a separate entity and integrated with the WCC in its Education Unit. Acting in the Third or Developing World during the decolonization, the WCCESSA should not only be considered as a religious association but also as an international actor in world politics. Our paper aims at posing the question whether the education the WCCESSA advocated was an instrument of power politics between the North and the South. Or, on the contrary, did the Sunday Schools in colonized countries prepare its disciples for independence? Our main purpose is to possibly show – thanks to the newly released archives of the WWC – if an “educational” shift occurred during the process of decolonization. If there was a shift, could it be described as “from missionary zeal to a more secular way of developing human environment”? The later is one of the main purposes of the United Nations’ Development Program founded in 1965. In detail, we will be analyzing African Curriculum documents i.e. “The Missionary Etiquette with Africans” of 1958 and “The impact of revolutionary change and how the Educational Mission of the Church may meet it”. We might also look at case studies in Africa, i.e. in Nigeria, where an important Training Course in Youth and Sunday School Work was organized in 1956, at the wake of the country’s independence.
Church, policy and education in the republican Brazil: relationships among Salesians, the State of Minas Gerais and the Municipal Council of Ouro Preto in the creation of Dom Bosco High School of Cachoeira do Campo (1893-1897) Wenceslau GONÇALVES NETO, Federal University of Uberlandia, Brazil In the end of the 19th Century, the Catholic Church felt threatened by the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean. In Europe, on account of the reassurance of the national states and consequent withdrawal of the ecclesiastic power, the Church observed the decreasing of its influence, even in areas which traditionally depended on its control, such as education. In Brazil, the upcoming of the Republic in 1889 brought about a secession which had started with the Religious Question (1872-1875), producing the separation between State and Church and the exclusion of religious education in public schools. The Catholic Church will try to discipline and to direct the clergy to specific religious functions and to assure the Roman power, in terms of which was helped by the religious congregations which had arrived in the end the 800’s for the evangelical action and education. It must be underlined in this work of negotiation, the building and beginning years of functioning of a professional school of the Salesians in Cachoeira do Campo, district of Ouro Preto, at the time the capital of State of Minas Gerais. The research used documents of the Public Archives of Ouro Preto, such as protocols of the Municipal Council, laws and contracts, proposals presented by municipal councelors, petitions, letters, articles of newspapers and so on. The Salesians were looked for by the Brazilian bishops on account of their experience with youngsters in Europe, especially in professional education and their proximity with the papacy, what could turn out to be interesting for the reassurance of the power of Rome in Brazil. Different from what could be expected from a State openly lay, the relationships between catholic religious and the public powers in regional sphere were intense. In 1894, answering to a request of the bishop of Mariana (bishop’s see of Minas Gerais) and after meetings with the representative of the religious order and state government, the Salesians received from the state of Minas Gerais a vacant lot, a headquarter building of the imperial time and a respected donation to start the building of the school, in addition to other concessions. From the municipal administration, the priests could count on the support of the municipal council which, by the way, voted a specific law, transferring the poor children especial fund for the building of the school. Moreover, a contract was signed by the Salesian Congregation, which would allow the reception of orphans of the municipal area, chosen by the Council, who would take part in the professional education in that institution according to a pre-established tuition. In addition to this intersection between the public and the private in the solution of the problem, after the inauguration of the school in 1896, it is interesting to notice that the process of choosing the orphans to be admitted in the institution, since the documents clearly reveal the interests of the politicians. To conclude, the State, in the end of the XIX Century, does not take up completely the responsibility with education, trying to fulfill its own role, by involving a private segments of society. This way, D. Bosco School fulfilled various functions, either doctrinaire or educational, which responded to the interests of the Catholic Church, and of the Salesian Priests, as well as, of the State of Minas Gerais. Education and democracy in Luso-brazilian space: reforms for education within the state of relations with the Catholic church (1931-1961) Carlos Henrique CARVALHO, Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Brasil The goal of this communication is the presentation of a discussion about the need to establish a public education system between 1931 and 1961 when the proposals about public education were more dense in both countries, mainly, when it comes imperative to enlarge primary schools and adults education (mass literacy campaigns) starting under Salazar’s ruling in Portugal and after Getúlio Vargas’ government in Brazil. At this point, one can see the Catholic Church influence in public education projects either in those with governments characteristic or in those headed by the Church itself through organizations such as “Acção Católica”, “Juventude Católica (JUC)”, “Juventude Operária Católica (JOC)”or, yet, through Paulo Freire initiatives in Brazil in 1950. In a first moment, Catholic Church intentions were to consolidate their education actions together with governments next to society most popular sectors. From there on political-ideological differences occur between those defending public education as a liberator instrument and the state. All this, during a time of redefinition in the plans of the governments in each one of their countries and, when have been disclosed social guiding proceedings in the Vatican underlining their worries about the “education poverty status” in the outsider sectors of the Third World countries. In result of these researches one can see a redefinition in the strategies of public and religious authorities during the struggle period for the establishment of public education as much as during Portuguese “Estado Novo” period as during 30, 40, 50 decades in Brazil. However, actions taken by “Acção Católica”, as well as JUC and JOC have created some embarrassment in the relationships between the two governments and the Catholic Church when they start claiming that public authorities should be present in primary education system in a more effective way as a guarantee to the promotion of the fundamental human rights concerning education. We still see the pluralism among Catholics in the assumption of ideological and party preferences; “conservative” sector condemns the education principles of the State, accusing it of establishing monopoly in education while the “progressist” sector demands education for all. Educational Ideologies which formed the Mexican State: Liberalism and Positivism
This paper is a product of ongoing research on the history of the XIXth Century educational system in Mexico and it explains how liberalism played a key role in the foundation of the Mexican State and how the educational system, based on positivism, made the consolidation of the Mexican State possible. The first Mexican Constitution, printed in 1824, turned out to be quite conservative, in spite of the time lapsed since the independence from Spain in 1821 and from the decision to establish a federated republican regime in 1824. The conservative essence of the Constitution plus the established traditions precluded a significant change in the economic, political and social life in Mexico. As consequence of this and despite the promulgation of a second Constitution in 1857, Mexico lived the first seven decades of the XIX century engulfed by internal struggle; first, between Liberals and Conservatives, then, between Republicans and Monarchists and finally, between Liberals and Conservatives again. Liberals attained political power in 1856 and started enacting legal reforms, aimed to reactivate the economy and the separation of the Church in State matters. Among these reforms, the educational system was considered essential to form a new generation of liberal Mexican citizens. This policy eventually led to a new struggle between the church defenders, who saw their privileges suppressed and the liberals. During the last third of the century, Mexico faced several armed conflicts with the United States, the loss of half its territory and a French military intervention, promoted by the Conservatives, who imposed an Austrian emperor. Much to the disappointment of the Conservatives and the Church itself, emperor Maximilian of Habsburg turned out to be quite liberal in his beliefs and ideas, due to his French education and in spite of his brief reign, he sanctioned many of the enacted regulations previously passed by Mexican Liberals. These sanctions promoted a widespread acceptance of liberal ideas by the people. After the execution of the foreign monarch and the recovery of political power by a Liberal fraction, Liberals resolved not to lose the political power again and turned out to the education of the masses as the most effective mean to secure it. As result of this strategy, a free, mandatory and non-religious education was created, where the positivist philosophy of August Comte was taken as State ideology and adapted to national needs. During the remainder of the XIXth century, the Liberals in power strived to standardize the educational programs with a positivist background, permitting the survival of the political regime, the formation of liberal citizens and the consolidation of the Mexican State. The Brazilian religious press as a source for research in education in the 19th century
This research is about the spiritualist press in Brazil in the colonial period and its role in the formation of idea that elite people had about education and politics. The period was characterized by the crisis of the monarchy, in wich the positivist, evolutionist and spiritualist ideas gained strength in the Brazilian press before the Proclamation of the Republic on November 15th, 1889. The ideas of Kardecist's Spiritualism emerged in France in the middle of the 19th century and this idea was widely published in the press. This research analyzes the strategies of doctrinal dissemination of spiritualism in the following journals: "Sentinela da Instrução" and the magazine "O Refornador". It analyzes the editorials and articles published between 1876 and 1889. Both journals are progressive, scientific and used to divulgate spiritism modern ideas to Brazilian society. This society was using a slave mode of production in huges plantations of coffee and sugarcane. These journals were funding by Brazilian agrarian elite and intended to small portion of the population. The analysis of these two journal is supported by the notion that the press had a very important role in the formation of Brazilian elite ideas, these people were always eager for new ideas for sustaining the status quo. It was used as theoretical and methodological references by authors such as Arribas (2010), Nóvoa (1993), Pallares-Burke (1995), Periotto (2001). These authors talk about details in the press and allow the study of spiritism press. To the end, this analysis allows to compose the framework of relations between social classes in Brazil of the 19th century. Jeudi / Thursday 8:30 - 10:30 Room: 4393 1.4. Quelle place pour l'éducation et les projets éducatifs dans les politiques du développement nationales et internationales? / Education and educational projects in national and international development policies Chair: Léa FERREIRA GRANCHAMP Projet de science et technologie au Brésil (1950 – 1964): les disputes nationales et les accords internationaux Agueda Bernardete BITTENCOURT, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Brasil Ce travail examine la configuration qui a rendu possible la création d´une agence nationale pour l´élaboration de la recherche et l´appui à la formation de personnes de niveau supérieur, au Brésil, au début des années 1950 – la Campagne Nationale du Perfectionnement du Personnel de Niveau Supérieur – CAPES par l´étude des trajectoires de ses organisateurs. Placé au centre d´un jeu sophistiqué d´influence, l´agence a centralisé les opérations de distributions de bourses d´études à l´extérieur et les invitations de missions étrangères pour implanter la structure d´éducation supérieure et de sciences et technologies nécessaire au développement et à la modernisation du pays. Elle a construit, avec ses techniciens, un processus d´internationalisation appuyé par une diaspora des élites professionnelles. Les politiques lancées dans le deuxième gouvernement Vargas et celles de la CAPES en particulier sont définies par d´importants facteurs liés entre eux: sur le plan international, les pressions pour le développement en sciences et technologies; l´après-guerre marqué par la Guerre Froide, point de départ de grands projets technologiques; sur le plan national, la création d´un important pôle scientifique et intellectuel à São Paulo, structuré avec l´appui de missions scientifiques étrangères, de scientifiques européens et de fondations nord-américaines; et le système national d´éducation encore en construction, avec presque un siècle de retard par rapport aux pays développés et à aux voisins de l´Amérique Latine, un déficit significatif dans la couverture de l´enseignement primaire et secondaire dans tout le pays. Il ne sera pas possible de comprendre la proposition de la CAPES liée à l´éducation supérieure sans prendre en compte tous les facteurs ci-dessus. À partir de là nous aurons comme hypothèse initiale que la création et la structuration de la CAPES a compté avec trois groupes, chacun d´eux représentant des intérêts, des individus et des institutions distincts. Ces trois groupes composant des réseaux internationaux différents peuvent être définis comme: 1. Le groupe de l´Institut Technologique de l´Aéronautique – ITA, qui réunissait des militaires brésiliens et américains, des entrepreneurs de São Paulo engagés dans le projet de modernisation et les intérêts nord-américains représentés par la coopération avec le Massachussetts Institute of Technology – MIT. Dans la CAPES, ce groupe était représenté par Ernest Luiz de Ernesto Luiz de Oliveira Junior; 2 – Un groupe d´étudiants brésiliens intéressés par la production de sciences de pointe, plus particulièrement lié au domaine de la santé et à la Fondation Rockefeller. Á la CAPES, le leadership de ce groupe était exercé par Rubem Maciel Filho e Rudolph Philippi Atcon; 3 – Le groupe des éducateurs et scientifiques brésiliens spécialement réunis à l´ Universidade de São Paulo - USP, à l´Universidade do Brasil et à la Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência – SBPC, qui à la CAPES étaient représentés par Anísio Teixeira, dont la formation est liée à la Columbia University. Some visible agents and methods of Internationalisation of Education in Nigeria before and after Colonisation. Alice JEKAYINFA, University of Ilorin, Nigeria; Grace AKANBI, Emmanuel Alayande College of Education, Oyo Town, Nigeria Education is the culture which each generation purposely gives to those who are to be its successor in order to qualify them for transmission of the values and knowledge of the society. There were many agents in the transmission of education in Nigeria during the period in question. Each of the agents had its own methods of disseminating knowledge. Of particular interest in this paper are the following agents and the methods they used: Traditional educators applied various methods to convey knowledge. One of those was the informal method of instruction which included learning through play. Children were left to their own initiative to make toys with which they played. They made such toys from local materials of their own choices and interests. They molded them from mud and clay and made use of articles which were of little use to adults (Ocitti, 1973). They enjoyed imitating their parents or other grown-ups on activities such as building huts of grass, digging and hunting by boys, and activities such as cooking, grinding, fetching water and firewood for girls (Erny, 1981). The Christian Missionaries came with the development of Western (formal) education using the various methods like recitation, assimilation, content transmission and learning by rote The Arab traders came to the country introducing the Islamic education and using the methods of recitation, repetition, and rote learning. The British Colonial government, as an agent of education in Nigeria formalized and modernized all various methods of internalization of education. This paper did a comparative analysis of agents of education and methods used by each of them in the 18th and 19th century in Nigeria. The Historical method was adopted for this study and this involved the use of the British colonial papers, official Nigerian government papers and documents of various types.One of the important findings of this analysis is that although, the traditional type of education was informal, the method used for disseminating knowledge suited the purpose of education in the country by then and the method achieved the result of preparing individuals for employment in their own environments (Fafunwa, 1974). Another finding indicated that to a large extent, the missionaries discarded Nigerian’s ways of life. They rejected much of the tradition ways of life because their desire was to convert people to Christianity. Thus, the education provided was biased towards religion. La rivalité des missions éducatives française et américaine pendant la guerre du Vietnam (1955-1975) Thuy Phuong NGUYEN, Université Paris Descartes, France La colonisation française, au nom de la «mission civilisatrice», avait mis en place dans les pays conquis des systèmes scolaires dont l’objectif était de transformer les populations autochtones en agents utiles au développement des colonies, tout en limitant leur accès à des études secondaires et supérieures jugées menaçantes pour le statu quo colonial. Mais, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’accession à l’indépendance de ses anciennes colonies força la diplomatie française à transformer sa mission civilisatrice en une mission culturelle s’appuyant sur l’importance de la culture française pour ces populations, voire sur leur attachement à cette culture. Ce fut notamment le cas au Vietnam, où l’indépendance, déclarée par Ho Chi Minh en 1945, fit s’ouvrir en grand les portes des lycées français aux élèves vietnamiens, qui purent alors bénéficier de programmes scolaires similaires à ceux de la métropole et passer le même baccalauréat que les élèves français. Notre recherche doctorale traite de la façon dont le système éducatif français, en tant que système formateur d’élites, a perduré au Vietnam pendant plus d’un quart de siècle, de 1948 à 1975, du début de la guerre d’Indochine à la fin de la guerre américaine au Vietnam. La présence culturelle et éducative française doit alors cohabiter avec le nationalisme vietnamien, d’obédience communiste au Nord et pro-occidental au Sud, ainsi qu’avec la présence grandissante, voire envahissante, des Etats-Unis. Nous nous appuyons sur des archives françaises – dont celles de l’examen du baccalauréat français au Vietnam –, américaines et vietnamiennes, ainsi que sur une centaine de témoignages recueillis auprès d’anciens professeurs et bacheliers formés dans les lycées français au Vietnam pendant cette période. Les histoires individuelles et la mémoire collective des bénéficiaires du système scolaire français complèteront l’histoire sociale officielle de l’institution scolaire et de son diplôme phare, le baccalauréat, telle qu’elle est décrite dans les archives. Notre objectif de recherche est double. D’une part, nous étudieront la façon dont la France a pu conserver une présence culturelle forte au Vietnam alors que son rôle politique avait cessé ou était fortement contesté. En particulier, nous mettrons en lumière le rôle fondamental des écoles françaises, et notamment celui des lycées français, en tant que principal vecteur de la diffusion de la langue et de la culture française. Nous analyserons également la politique culturelle française telle qu’elle fut appliquée par la Mission culturelle, chargée de transformer des écoles coloniales en écoles françaises à l’étranger. D’autre part, elle démontrera le succès des lycées français ainsi que l’impact durable de la culture française auprès des familles vietnamiennes, francophiles fidèles ou nationalistes ferventes. Notre recherche apportera des éléments de réponse à des questions historiques et sociologiques concernant cette population très particulière de bacheliers asiatiques éduqués dans un cursus linguistiquement et culturellement français. Nous verrons que même dans un milieu fortement nationaliste, l’enseignement représentait pour les familles vietnamiennes qui y scolarisaient leurs enfants un enjeu social ou économique dépassant les enjeux idéologiques. Nous verrons aussi comment les dernières générations d’élèves «indochinois» formés dans les écoles françaises profitèrent de cet enseignement et ce qu’elle en retinrent dans leur vie professionnelle et personnelle. Nous proposons ainsi une vision de l’histoire telle qu’elle a été perçue aussi bien par les Vietnamiens que les Français. Colonial and Post Colonial Educational Effort in Nigeria: The Challenges Download 2.32 Mb. Share with your friends:
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