Jamie cowling



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Conclusion

This paper has attempted to survey current debates and controversy. The case the position paper makes is that rarely has the impact of the move to a Digital Britain been understood with any clarity in these current debates. The impact of the move from analogue to digital technology can be broadly understood as removing, or at least relaxing, some of the technological bottlenecks that made the news what we used to understand it. This forces us to confront choices that didn’t previously exist. Given the importance of technology in the production, dissemination and reception of news (from The Telegraph to Sky News) we should hardly be surprised that the business model has been radically altered. However, because of the unique place that the news media holds in a democracy, the impact of technology hasn’t been understood or discussed in the same way that “one click ordering” and “just in time delivery” has been on the retail sector.


There are three broad areas for ongoing expert discussion and input. How has the change in the market structure impacted on the size and health of the public sphere at the local, national and global basis? Second, what has been the impact of increasing competition on news professionals, news output and citizens? Third, how are the rights and responsibilities of journalists and citizens evolving in the digital age? The challenge is to get the detailed questions right to enable a better understanding of whether we’ve just rubbed the genie’s lamp or opened Pandora’s box.



Appendix 1: ‘Never trust the teller. Trust the tale.’ D.H. Lawrence
Many of the debates above revolve around trust. For some time academics have been concerned that the less attention you pay to the news media and by extension the less political knowledge you have the more trusting in both politicians and journalists you are (Bennett 1988). However, you are more likely to trust your MP if you have met them face-to-face and more likely to perceive improvement in public services if you have used them recently i.e. non-mediated communication improves perceptions of standards. The news media seems to play a role here.
Trust is particularly important issue for businesses that rely on trust, that is to say those that rely on reputation because a consumer cannot evaluate the goods and services prior to purchase. When exploring the rapid collapse of Enron one academic considered that:
‘The companies that produced the goods Enron traded — steel, energy, oil — are generally not in the trust business, because the products they sell can be examined for quality, and buyers generally didn’t rely on reputation in evaluating the products.
In contrast, because Enron bought and sold contracts for delivery of these products into the distant future, it was more like a bank or insurance company than a seller of physical products. Enron, indeed, was involved in both long-term financial services through its contracts, and in the creation of markets, and both of these require trustworthiness.’ (McAfee 2004)
Companies that “sell” information rely on trust in their product more than most. O’Neill suggests that trust is related to an ability to assess the information given (O’Neill, 2002; MORI, 2003). For example, it is simple to assess the reliability of weather reports as we all know when last night’s forecast was wrong. However, in the case of other subjects, for example political information, it is very difficult for any assessment of the reliability of the information to be made by the general public. However, once that assessment of unreliability has been made regaining public trust in the information provided, and thereby the reason to make the purchasing decision again, could be extremely difficult.
Trusting someone to tell the truth may well be related, sensibly, to how likely you think they are to be partial. So TV news readers, governed by rules of due impartiality, score highly on public trust, whilst “red-top hacks” and Ministers do very badly. Both act in a highly visibly partial manner on a daily basis.
This may be why that trust in your local MP increases after you’ve met them. Partly a reflection on face-to-face contact, we generally trust people more who we know better, but partly because local MPs are not called upon to take party political decisions very often when dealing with constituents personal concerns.
So the media literate public trusts both journalists and politicians less precisely because they pay more attention to the news. Naturally, those that read red-tops on a daily basis tend to be less trusting because they trust their source of media less.
A question for further research would be to ask if members of the public trusted Doctors less when they are campaigning for a pay rise at a national level than when they go to the surgery. Current survey data doesn’t allow for this.


About the Author

Jamie Cowling is Research Fellow at the Institute for Public Policy Research Digital, Media & Arts programmes and has worked for the Strategy Division of the Department for Culture, Media & Sport. He published For Arts Sake?: Society and the Arts in the Twenty-First Century in 2004, New News: Impartial Broadcasting in the Digital Age with Damian Tambini in 2002, A Progressive Licence Fee with Kim Allen and Emily Keaney in 2003 and From Public Service Broadcasting to Public Service Communications, also with Damian Tambini, in 2004.



Acknowledgements

The author would like to acknowledge the invaluable support and advice of: Luke Bradley-Jones, John Chu, Richard Collins, Will Davies, Ivor Gaber, Emily Keaney and Kay Withers. Any errors or omissions remain the author’s own responsibility. The author would also like to acknowledge the support of the ippr Manifesto for a Digital Britain sponsors: Atos Origin, BT and Steria and the support of the BBC for the News & Information strand of the research of which this position paper is part.



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Endnotes

i See Do They Mean Us? in MediaGuardian 2005 for more examples.

ii That is to say one not based on the transmission mechanism – print, television, radio, net etc.

iii Regular attention is important. We know that when “major” events happen news audiences rise. E.G. Attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in September 2001 (see Tambini & Cowling 2002).

iv Note the World Bank’s use of ‘political markets’.

v I have not been able to find any data either by income decile or Socio-Economic Status on use of news websites.

vi Here we disagree with Norris who suggests that this should reside between the market and citizens. However we argue, following Habermas, that this should be between the market and the state.

vii The Telegraph was so named, to stress its innovative means of transmission.

viii For the print sector the move of classified advertising from local newspapers to the internet. For broadcast the macro impact of greater competition making traditional cross-subsidy on commercial public service broadcasters (ITV) unviable see Ofcom 2005.

ix Media bias tends to be reinforcing. Fox News viewers already voted Republican but heavy viewing of Fox made them more committed Republicans e.g. they raised their campaign contributions to the Republican Party. See DellaVigna & Kaplan 2005 for further details.





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