Lawrence Peter Ampofo


Internet Research on the 11-M Attacks: Key Findings Related to the Topic of Cybercrime and Terrorism (2004-2010)



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Internet Research on the 11-M Attacks: Key Findings Related to the Topic of Cybercrime and Terrorism (2004-2010)

As previously described in Chapter Three, the author developed a methodological process to analyse online discussion related to the Madrid terrorist attacks of 2004 to support the primary research of semi-structured interviews conducted previously. The date range of the analysis was six months from 11 March to 11 August each year over a period of seven years (2004 to 2010). In this chapter, the internet research focuses on the 11 March 2004 terrorist attacks and the prevalence of online discussion related to cybercrime, technology, terrorism and counter-terrorism.


The internet research concluded that very few discussions were generated in relation to cybercrime. Out of 879 items of content analysed, only four made specific reference to the topic.
One post came from the blog Periodistas 21, in which the author outlined that the people accused of perpetrating the attack were in possession of a video that was uploaded onto the internet by al-Qaeda and included a confession by Osama bin Laden detailing his culpability for the attacks. However, the majority of the post focused on the way in which SMS and other internet technologies were used to protest against the Government’s handling of the event and how this had subsequently resulted in the change of government:
‘The youth and groups that were loosely organised have utilised technology to communicate, arrange meetups and mobilise citizens. A loop of SMS and emails has been the medium and nucleus of the mobilisation’ (Periodistas 21, 2004).82
Such a comment alludes to the perception of internet and Web technologies as tools or force multipliers in the activities of online users and communities involved in discussions of terrorism and counter-terrorism. This was underscored in a post to the newsgroup es.charla.politica.misc, which outlined how al-Qaeda terrorists who attacked the London transport system in 2005 used information found on Jihadist websites that they used to construct their bombs. The user continued that the Web was used because terrorists do not want to expose themselves to risks unnecessarily and jeopardise the mission83 (es.charla.politica.misc, 2005).
It is possible to deduce, however, that discussion concerning cybercrime, technology, terrorism and counter-terrorism in Spain is conspicuous by its absence. It appears that online users do not immediately commensurate the issues of cybercrime with terrorism and counter-terrorism. If such a link appears in online discussion, it is related to a wider discussion of the Government’s response to terrorism or conceptual discussions of terrorism as a political phenomenon. Such discussion, therefore, manifests itself in the notion that the internet and the Web are tools that enable terrorist organisations to publicise propaganda or for information retrieval concerning their mission. This technologically deterministic argument follows the theoretical framework outlined by Bobbitt in the beginning of the article that these technologies would act as a force multiplier for market state terrorists.
In spite of the numerous academic studies, media and government reports outlining evidence that cybercrime was involved at some stage of the Madrid bombings, it has barely been discussed amongst online users. This lack of discussion suggests that general online users demonstrate a lack of knowledge when it comes to understandings of cybercrime, technology, terrorism and counter-terrorism and that these understandings appear to reside only within epistemic communities, practitioners and industry experts.

Conclusion

An examination of the intricacy inherent in understandings of cybercrime, terrorism, counter-terrorism and technology has shown that complexity, confusion and imprecision pervade understandings of these independent variables as one collective issue or nexus.


Historically, the Cold War encouraged terrorist organisations to resort to traditional forms of financial extortion such as kidnapping, political assassinations and drug trafficking. There is evidence that the onset of globalisation in the 1990s, however, had a profound effect on terrorist organisations, encouraging them to take advantage of globalising processes and gather vast sums of money for their operations. As terrorist organisations began to direct their attention towards economic influence, they became involved in activities, which had traditionally been the preserve of organised crime organisations.
The increasing proliferation of information and communications technologies provided terrorist organisations with the means to utilise cybercrime to earn yet more revenue. Phishing, credit card fraud and copyright piracy created a de facto Underground Economy (Fossi et al., 2008) and provided terrorist organisations with significant increases in funds.
The shift in focus by terrorist organisations to cybercrime techniques and tools demonstrates the extent to which communications technologies have afforded them the opportunity to gain a greater degree of influence to fulfil their stated communication aims and objectives. Internet and Web technologies have been highlighted as a potential enabler for terrorists to carry out their operations, which will increase their influence and resources if the situation is not dealt with effectively by national governments, supranational organisations and corporations. As has been discussed, legislation is still a long way behind the potential methods used by terrorist organisations to use these tools. As a result, the ability for the security services to counter the threat as effectively as they ought is being curtailed. This notion was outlined by a member of the UK security service who claimed that the UK Government is able to analyse in detail information about a small group of people, but not what the general public is saying online. The future of counter-terrorism intelligence will be in open source intelligence and finding out what people are saying online.84
Certainly, the Spanish Government could do more from an organisational and legislative perspective if the terrorist threat is to be effectively countered (Fragoso, 2010), which will be outlined in more detail in Chapter Eight.
In addition, the onset of more sophisticated internet and Web technologies such as Web 3.0 will augment the challenges currently faced by the security services. The fact that a significantly higher number of people will be connected to the internet and the Web, coupled with their ability to create, consume and publish their own content means that terrorist organisations will have a greater opportunity to attain their strategic communication objectives. This could be achieved by terrorist organisations creating compelling narratives that engage with individual users, as witnessed previously in Chapter Five, and communities as will be outlined in greater detail in Chapter Seven.
However, the introduction of such technology also presents the security services with a significant opportunity to learn the underlying nature of online behaviour. The onset of Web 3.0 will mean, above all, an exponential increase in the amount of data available concerning all facets of online behaviour. There exists an opportunity for Government organisations to conduct research to develop their understandings of this phenomenon and designing strategies that exploit this evolving space. This type of action would help government organisations to remain ahead of terrorist organisations in generating understandings of the nature of power and influence in this space and their ability to convey core strategic narratives to the right people at the right time.
It follows that if Government organisations are able to understand the nature of online influence and power then they will also be able to incorporate more sophisticated strategies into their counter-terrorism programmes. It will also be able to support the efficacy of the notion, as proposed by Giles Tremlett and the scholar Jonathan Githens-Mazer, that terrorist organisations are more concerned with the potential ability of government actors, when in reality their capabilities are not as far-reaching. This notion lends weight to the credence that influence and power in the digital age are more concerned with the influence of attitudes and behaviours, complimenting the use of the more traditional hijackings, bombings and assassinations.
The subtle changes in the nature of influence in relation to terrorism highlight the theoretical and jurisprudential cleavage in understandings of this phenomenon, suggesting that more scholarship on this topic is needed. However, it also highlights that, in the case of terrorism in the digital age, the creation and maintenance of myths or narratives may be the source of real influence as was investigated in Chapter Five and will be explored in Chapter Seven.



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