Masters of arts in development studies


Changes in inter-firm interactions due to other factors



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5.3 Changes in inter-firm interactions due to other factors


This section draws on changes in inter-firm interactions among state-owned firms in Ciudad Guayana’s I&S industry due to factors others than ownership. It is acknowledged that ownership alone cannot explain changes in pattern of interactions, accordingly, a number of others factors were reported: pellets shortages, worldwide steel crisis starting in 2008, government power saving program, lacking of financial resources coming from the state and reconversion plan as factors that triggered changes in interactions.
        1. Pellets shortages


Complaining about FMO current inability to provide sufficient pellets to satisfy local demand were gathered from briquetting sector (Interview 06, Interview 07, Interview 08, Interview 09). Currently, neither SIDOR nor FMO have the capacity to supply growing demand for pellets of briquetting sector. Table 5.1 shows the estimated supply and demand of pellets in the district from 2011 to 2013. As can be seen, there is need to import 1.2 million tonnes of pellets in 2011 since the estimated production would be 7.9 million tonnes as opposed to 9.1 million tonnes of local demand. This gap is projected to continue in 2012 and 2013 that reinforces the argument of local incapacity to satisfy growing local demand of pellets which has been triggered by a recovery of briquetting sector in a current scenario of attractive international prices of briquettes (Interview 07, Interview 08, Interview 09). The local pellets demand is expected to stand at around 12 million tonnes by 2013 since the firms might reach their full capacity of production.

Table 5.1


Supply and demand of pellets in the district (Million tonnes)


Source: (Ministerio del Poder Popular para las Industrias Básicas y Minería. 2011)

Pellets shortages are likely to change local interactions. As seen above, both briquetting and steel manufacturing sectors depend on local supply of pellets. Current deficit of pellets may trigger necessity of importing pellets which it is envisioned in MIBAM corporative plan (see Table 5.1) leading to disintegration of district due to an increase in linkages to non-local suppliers. Respondents elaborated:

Basically the decline of production was due to raw material shortages, which one? Pellets, pellets shortages; (FMO) pelletizing plant started to have problems…they could not manage to supply the amount of pellets needed. There was need to import pellets from Brazil, Qatar, we had to import pellets in 2007 and 2008 had we not imported pellets the plant would have shut down. (Interview 06, emphases, added)

Nowadays there is no enough pellets and the quality of pellets have decreased (Interview 07)

The plant (FMO pelletizing plant) next to us was inoperative in 2010 and part of 2011, I think it started recently the pelletizing plant (the interview was in August 2011) (Interview 09, emphases added)


        1. Steel crisis


Briquetting sector and hubs developed another form of co-operation that gave rise after nationalization of firms that tends to integrate networks to the district. That was tolling agreements, where FMO or SIDOR dispatched pellets to briquetting firms for them to fabricate briquettes and everyone could keep producing after steel crisis in 2008 when metal prices dropped sharply including metal scrap which is a substitute of briquettes. One respondent elaborated:

What did we do in 2010? We made a tolling agreement with SIDOR, they dispatched us pellets and we produced the briquettes. Because a ton a briquettes had more value added than a ton a pellets, we sent them the proportional material and we kept the remainder (Interview 09)

We implemented tolling agreements as an opportunity to keep doing business. FMO supplied pellets and VENPRECAR fabricated briquettes, then we charged FMO transformation services and FMO exported the briquettes (Interview 07)

One respondent reported variations in exchanges due to steel crisis:

We began here (in 2008) and sold the steel in 1250 to 1300 dollars per ton and it dropped to 380 to 360 dollars per ton, the international market declined as well as the domestic market… we had an important crisis, we had to export our inventories of finished products in disadvantage (Interview 11b, emphases added)

        1. Government power saving program


I&S industry is one of highly demanding of electricity to produce. A government power saving program launched in 2010 due to climate factors that diminished hydroelectric production, influenced greatly I&S production. This kind of government decision seems to reinforce coerced interactions among local constituents. The effect of power savings program was notably observed in SIDOR production as one respondent explained:

The plant needs 750 megawatts to be operative, and the government put a top of 300 megawatts…we had to reduce production by 80%” (Interview 11b)

This is not a Guayana’s curse, aluminum and steel are highly electricity consumers, one furnace, one electric arc furnace and we have got 6, one furnace can consume the power that needs Maracay, the whole city of Maracay with all air conditioners, malls, discos, households everything switched on (Interview 11b)

        1. Lacking of central government resource allocation


One common claim among respondents was the lack of resources that were supposed to be allocated by central government once again leading to coerced interactions within the district.

On top of other issues we have not received resources from the state…neither in quantity nor in opportunity (Interview 11b)

Guayana needs to receive large investments because we are too old in steel world, SIDOR has more than 35 years that is very old in steel world when you are old after 20 years, an old firms needs more maintenance…this a financial resource issue, we need to renovate including technology, nowadays exists green technology although it is more expensive. I think there is a financial resource issue and there has always been (Interview 15)

Because of nationalization and investment shortages, namely because we don’t have financial resources coming from the state, we haven’t received a penny, that’s the truth, we hope we will receive in the near future (Interview 08)


        1. Reconversion plan


As can be seen in Figure 5.5, SIDOR showed an important decline in its labour force which dropped at a constant percentage change of 4% between 1990 and 1997 prior to nationalization. This decline in labour force was explained due to implementation of a reconversion plan that involved shutting down of old plant Siemens-Martin and firing more than 4000 employees. One respondent elaborated:

In 1990-1991 we (SIDOR) started what we called a reconversion plan. It was determined that one steel casting in Siemens-Martin lasted 9 hours while making it in electric arcs of Plan IV it lasted 1 hour… Siemens-Martin was shut down and we had to fire 4000 people or so. We kept Plan IV only; Plan IV had already a learning curve of 14 years (Interview 11b, emphases added)

The reconversion plan was probably a government attempt to keep SIDOR competitive towards external markets (Interview 11b) or perhaps preparing the firm for its imminent privatization (Interview 13).

5.4 Conclusion


This chapter has shown that there are good reasons to believe that ownership structure matters for industrial district analysis. The case of Ciudad Guayana showed that when state ownership was prevalent, coerced co-operation tends to occur and the state appears to induce local embedded networks leading to integration of district. On the other hand, when private ownership was preponderant, voluntary co-operation seemed to emerge somewhat suggesting a connection between private ownership and the expected source of qualitative advantages that accrue to industrial districts according to the literature. These findings may not be generalized, but it might explain why industrial districts tend to succeed within production system of private SMEs that happen to be geographical and sectorial concentrated.

This chapter has also shown that ownership alone cannot explain patterns of interactions. It was found that both domestic and external factors have influenced pattern of interactions. Interestingly, when it comes to domestic factors (pellets shortages, power saving program, resource allocation and reconversion plan) the state seems to be involved somewhat highlighting the importance of ownership structure for industrial districts.


Chapter 6
Conclusions


This thesis analyses inter-firm interactions both inside and outside the iron and steel (I&S) industrial district in Ciudad Guayana, Venezuela, and explores the question of to what extent those interactions change as a result of changes in ownership structure as well as other factors. Theories on industrial districts stresses the advantages that accrue to production systems based on private SMEs that are geographical and sectorial concentrated. Positive external economies could emerge from agglomeration of firms that are known as ‘passive collective efficiency’ and include external economies such as a pool of skilled workers, access to suppliers of specialized inputs and new knowledge spillovers. But what distinguish an industrial district from mere agglomeration of firms is the qualitative feature derived from voluntary co-operation called ‘active collective efficiency’ meaning a “conscious pursuit of joint action” Schmitz and Nadvi (1999: 1504).

The study builds on typology of industrial districts put forward by Markusen (1996) to explore Ciudad Guayana’s I&S industry. Markusen contribution to industrial district analysis was designing a comprehensive framework that includes inter-firm connections, the role of national and local government, the role of large firms and embeddedness in local and non-local networks to conceptualized typology of industrial districts. Ownership structure is not directly addressed within Markusen’s framework, although she claimed that “the study of industrial districts requires a broader institutional approach” (Markusen 1996: 293). This research attempts to contribute to industrial district analysis by introducing ownership structure in the debate.

This study has explored inter-firm interactions among state-owned firms in Ciudad Guayana’s I&S. The findings suggest that along the productive chain: mining, pelletizing, briquetting and steel-making, the nature of co-operation seems to change. At the beginning of the chain the nature of co-operation seems to be coerced as the state functions as the only supplier of mineral for the district leading to greater bargaining power. It was also found that among firms within the same sector, voluntary co-operation seems to emerge, as seen in briquetting sector creating a joint operator to manage a Port, and in steel–making lending to each other specialized inputs and outputs which is in line with literature on industrial districts.

I&S industry in Ciudad Guayana could be categorized as a state-anchored district according to the hypothesized features proposed by Markusen (1996). The role of the state was addressed; it was shown that national state have played an important role in promoting and sustaining the district; it was found a weak local government in promoting core industries as hypothesized by Markusen. The role of large firm, notably FMO and SIDOR, in shaping district business structure was explored; it was shown their success in attracting private sector investment both upstream and downstream. Local and non-local embeddedness was analysed; it was found that local commitment is higher than that of non-local. Although, not all features have been tested and the district has shown that some features are contrary to that of state-anchored district, but according to Markusen: “a real-world district may be an amalgam of one or more types, and over time districts may mutate from one type to another” (Markusen 1996: 296).

The study has shown that I&S industry has undertaken a trajectory that can be split into three historical periods where a distinct form of ownership is preponderant. The first stage was characterized as state ownership. Here the business structure of the district was dominated by two large state-owned firms: FMO and SIDOR. The role of CVG (the state agency with mandate to develop Ciudad Guayana) was deemed to be significant; it has served as key anchor tenant in the district. Through CVG leadership, the district appears to have succeeded in inducing agglomeration externalities, notably, access to skilled labour, specialized inputs (i.e. pellets) and technology spillovers (i.e. FIOR lab). Co-operation behaviour between firms was exhibited during this stage, albeit in a coerced fashion due to CVG ascendancy on the district which centrally commanded the construction of Ciudad Guayana with little participation of local authorities.

The second stage depicted a district where the business structure was dominated by private sector. The district exhibited co-operative behaviour (i.e. creation of joint port operator: COPAL) leading to collective action among briquetting sector. This sector comprised by medium enterprises, largely benefited from positive externalities created in prior stage. The nature of co-operation between FMO and now private-owned SIDOR became mainly negotiated. The ascendancy of CVG on the district diminished substantially during this period and involvement of local authorities in promoting district seem to remain weak. It appears that there was a shift towards more commitment of firms to external markets leading to disintegration of district.

The third stage of state ownership with workers’ self-management shows a district in redefinition as it is nowadays. The state owns the whole I&S industrial complex in Ciudad Guayana after being nationalized the private firms from 2007 and 2010. The nature of co-operation between state-owned firms seems to be in line with expected behaviour. They appear to interact under coerced fashion, albeit this time coercion is exerted by MIBAM (Ministry for Basic Industries and Mining) which in turn purports to implement workers’ self-management approach. The success of this approach seems to be undefined, as managers, especially from newly nationalized briquetting sector, manifested uncertainty of strategy. It was found that when state ownership is prevalent, interactions tend to strengthen local embeddedness leading to integration of district.

This study has shown that there are good reasons to believe that ownership structure matters for industrial district analysis. The case of Ciudad Guayana showed that when state ownership was prevalent, coerced co-operation tends to occur and the state appears to induce local embedded networks leading to integration of district. On the other hand, when private ownership was preponderant, voluntary co-operation seemed to emerge somewhat suggesting a connection between private ownership and the expected source of qualitative advantages that accrue to industrial districts according to the literature. These findings may not be generalized, but it might explain why industrial districts tend to succeed within production system of private SMEs that happen to be geographical and sectorial concentrated. It is acknowledged that ownership alone cannot explain patterns of interactions. It was found that both domestic and external factors have influenced pattern of interactions. Interestingly, when it comes to domestic factors (pellets shortages, power saving program, resource allocation and reconversion plan) the state seems to be involved somewhat highlighting the importance of ownership structure for industrial districts.

Appendices

Appendix I. List of Interviewees




Code

Respondent

Organisation

Date

Interview 01

Administration Director

MIBAM

28-07-2011

Interview 02

Advisor to the President

CVG

29-07-2011

Interview 03

Planning Executive

TSC

02-08-2011

Interview 04a

President

TSC

04-08-2011

Interview 04b

Worker Representative

TSC

04-08-2011

Interview 04c

Worker Representative

TSC

04-08-2011

Interview 04d

Worker Representative

TSC

04-08-2011

Interview 05

Finance Director

SNAC

05-08-2011

Interview 06

Planning Manager

Comsigua

08-08-2011

Interview 07

Planning Supervisor

Venprecar

09-08-2011

Interview 08

Planning Supervisor

OI

11-08-2011

Interview 09

Planning Manager

Briqven

12-08-2011

Interview 10a

Advisor to the Planning Coordinator

Municipality

16-08-2011

Interview 10b

Planning Employee

Municipality

16-08-2011

Interview 11a

Planning Manager

Sidor

17-08-2011

Interview 11b

Advisor to the Industrial Director

Sidor

17-08-2011

Interview 12

HHRR Head-of-Department

Sidor

17-08-2011

Interview 13

Former Worker Representative

Sidor

19-08-2011

Interview 14

Plant General Manager

Casima

22-08-2011

Interview 15

Planning Manager

FMO

24-08-2011

Interview 16a

Technical Department Engineer

RYP

25-08-2011

Interview 16b

Technical Department Engineer

RYP

25-08-2011


Appendix II. Hypothesized features of state-anchored district

Source: Markusen (1996: 299)

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1 The hypothesized features of state-anchored district can be seen in Appendix II.

2 Direct reduction technology consists of industrial processes to separate the oxygen from iron (Interview 06, Interview 08, Interview 09).

3 Own estimation based on geometric mean of annual percentage change between 2006 and 2010.

4 It was not possible to find data for the years from 1964 to 1967.




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