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Net-Benefit –ExtensionsKey to HR CredUS must challenge human rights to maintain international human rights credibilityNicholas Bequelin June 2013, ( Nicholas Bequelin “Can the U.S. Help Advance Human Rights in China?” http://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/06/can-the-us-help-advance-human-rights-in-china/276841/) Second, the U.S. government needs to be consistent in the way it raises its concerns on human rights, and not be shy to use vocal diplomacy when private diplomacy yields no result. Too often, the U.S. is sending conflicting messages, one day stressing its attachment to universal human rights norms, and the next stating that the U.S. and China "agree to disagree" on a range of issues, including human rights. This undermines the universality of human rights. Third, the U.S. must mainstream human rights perspectives across the full spectrum of its engagement with China. The compartmentalization of human rights as a minor rubric of diplomacy is bound to fail, because the Chinese side knows human rights have no bearings on other aspects of the bilateral relationship. The business environment for U.S. companies operating in China is directly linked to issues intimately connected to human rights, such as the elastic character of China's state secrecy laws or the introduction of provisions in the criminal law that allows for secret detention by the police. Fourth, the U.S. must forge partnerships and coordinate more effectively with other rights-respecting countries in their effort to press China on specific issues and cases. There has been very little said by any head of state about the fact that China is the only country in the world that holds a Nobel Peace Laureate in prison (while his wife is imprisoned at her home outside of any legal procedure.) Finally, the U.S. must be ready to take steps when the situation demands it. For instance, given China's absolute refusal to engage on any issue related to the situation in Tibetan areas, the U.S. must be ready to upgrade its contacts with the Dalai Lama, and encourage other countries to do so Impact ExtensionsAsia ConflictChinese human rights violations make Asian conflict inevitableBrookings 9 (“China: Trumping Human Rights,” http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2009/02/28-china-ali) For many environmental and social activists, the most remarkable statement to emanate from this visit was Secretary Clinton’s acknowledgement that: “Human rights cannot interfere with the global economic crisis, the global climate change crisis and the security crises.” Embedded in this statement is perhaps an inherent contradiction that the Obama administration might not recognise. The structural factors that lead to human rights concerns are indeed also responsible for many of the economic and environmental concerns that the administration is so admirably trying to resolve in Asia. At the heart of the matter is a lack of transparency and accountability that ultimately leads to an erosion of economic and ecological institutions. Human rights abuses are the most acute manifestations of these structural problems in autocratic societies that the administration must duly recognise. It is far more difficult to find integrative policy solutions when civil society organisations have limited access to independently verifiable data on environmental and social performance or economic institutions have marginal accountability to their constituents. Often it is tempting to be captivated by autocracy because it may seem that under good leadership there will be a much faster road to salvation than the lumbering and languid workings of a democracy. No doubt, China can “get the job done” very fast, when it comes to building Olympic stadiums, marvellous airports and green cities. However, the perilous bargain that we make in ignoring the question of human rights is that all such achievements are far more precariously reversible. Even if we ignore the moral salience of human rights, there are many strategic reasons to be concerned about these issues. For example, economic and environmental policy requires clear and credible data, and without a free civil society, it becomes highly difficult to challenge official statistics and find scientifically verifiable information. At every step of the policy-making process data is contested and deliberated in order to come up with the most effective outcome. However, in China, it is exceedingly difficult to challenge any government data and the outcome can often lead to imprisonment, as experienced by Hu Jia, a 34-year-old activist who was imprisoned in April of last year for “inciting subversion of state power and the socialist system” by sharing independent data on environmental and economic issues. The reliability of economic and energy data from China has been repeatedly questioned by US researchers such as Thomas Rawski, an economist at the University of Pittsburgh and Jonathan Sinton,an energy analyst at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. The Financial Times reported in January this year that Chinese economists even had a phrase for the manipulation of official statistics — jiabao fukuafeng, or “wind of falsification and embellishment”. The trumping of the human rights narrative will also confound the Obama administration’s regional approach to conflict resolution. Earlier last week, Secretary Clinton presented a clearly hawkish stance towards North Korea in alignment with the new South Korean government. However, giving a pass to China on its human rights record will not make the job any easier for Stephen Bosworth, the newly appointed envoy to the peninsula. China’s support is pivotal to the North Korean regime’s survival and the appeasement of our friends in Beijing on human rights and accountability will likely make them even more complacent when comes to policy changes on North Korea or Burma. Policies of ‘quid pro quo’ have failed to gain much success in Asian politics during the past decade and are unlikely to succeed now. Simple, determined, principled politics is far more likely to succeed. International StabilityChinese respect for human rights defuses aggression---maintains international orderInboden 15 - executive director of the Clements Center for History, Strategy, and Statecraft and associate professor at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas-Austin, with Dan Blumenthal (William, “Toward a free and democratic China,” AEI, https://www.aei.org/publication/toward-a-free-and-democratic-china/) At the top of our next president’s task list will be rescuing American foreign policy from the wreckage of the Obama years. The prevailing headlines detail a grim litany of new threats, each one emanating from an Obama administration policy failure. From the expansionist barbarity of the Islamic State, to the collapse of Libya into warring factions, to Yemen’s degeneration into civil war and a terrorist safe haven, to unprecedented concessions that have strengthened Iran, to Russian adventurism forcibly redrawing Europe’s borders, to the expansion of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal, the threat environment that the Obama administration is preparing to hand over to its successor is grave. Not since the end of World War II has the American-led international system been under such severe strain from so many quarters. While the above threats all command attention, perhaps the greatest challenge to world order is the resurgence of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It is the only nation that has the size, wealth, and ambition to credibly threaten U.S. global leadership and international stability. At stake is not only the national security of the United States but the future of the international system our nation helped create and has led for seven decades. In truth, they are almost inseparable. At the end of the Cold War, the late Samuel Huntington argued that only by remaining the dominant world player could the United States ensure the continuation of a liberal order. Thus, the challenge from China is not only geopolitical; Beijing is also ideologically hostile toward democratic capitalism and free societies. Our next president’s China policy needs to address the heart of the problem: The external assertiveness of the Chinese Communist party (CCP) emanates from its internal repression. As Aaron Friedberg has pointed out, “the party’s desire to retain power shapes every aspect of national policy. When it comes to external affairs, it means that Beijing’s ultimate aim is to ‘make the world safe for authoritarianism,’ or at least for continued one-party rule in China.” The CCP has thus far successfully maintained its monopoly on power and avoided any meaningful political reform. American policy in recent years has conceded this monopoly to the CCP and done little to support Chinese reformers, dissenters, and voices for liberty. There may have been short-term rationales for this, but as a policy it has run its course. Nuclear WarLack of effective human rights protection leads to nuclear warBurke-White 04—William W., Lecturer in Public and International Affairs and Senior Special Assistant to the Dean at the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University and Ph.D. at Cambridge, “Human Rights and National Security: The Strategic Correlation”, The Harvard Human Rights Journal, Spring, 17 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 249, Lexis This Article presents a strategic--as opposed to ideological or normative--argument that the promotion of human rights should be given a more prominent place in U.S. foreign policy. It does so by suggesting a correlation between the domestic human rights practices of states and their propensity to engage in aggressive international conduct. Among the chief threats to U.S. national security are acts of aggression by other states. Aggressive acts of war may directly endanger the United States, as did the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941, or they may require U.S. military action overseas, as in Kuwait fifty years later. Evidence from the post-Cold War period [*250] indicates that states that systematically abuse their own citizens' human rights are also those most likely to engage in aggression. To the degree that improvements in various states' human rights records decrease the likelihood of aggressive war, a foreign policy informed by human rights can significantly enhance U.S. and global security. Since 1990, a state's domestic human rights policy appears to be a telling indicator of that state's propensity to engage in international aggression. A central element of U.S. foreign policy has long been the preservation of peace and the prevention of such acts of aggression. 2 If the correlation discussed herein is accurate, it provides U.S. policymakers with a powerful new tool to enhance national security through the promotion of human rights. A strategic linkage between national security and human rights would result in a number of important policy modifications. First, it changes the prioritization of those countries U.S. policymakers have identified as presenting the greatest concern. Second, it alters some of the policy prescriptions for such states. Third, it offers states a means of signaling benign international intent through the improvement of their domestic human rights records. Fourth, it provides a way for a current government to prevent future governments from aggressive international behavior through the institutionalization of human rights protections. Fifth, it addresses the particular threat of human rights abusing states obtaining weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Finally, it offers a mechanism for U.S.-U.N. cooperation on human rights issues. ExtinctionHuman rights solve extinctionAnnas, Andres and Isasi 5 - *Prof. and Chair Health Law at Boston U. School of Public Health, **Distinguished Prof. Law at Chicago-Kent College of Law and Dir. Institute for Science, Law, and Technology at Illinois Institute Tech, ***Health Law and Biotethics Fellow at Health Law Dept. of Boston U. School of Public Health (“Perspectives on Health and Human Rights,” p. 136-138) That we are all fundamentally the same, all human, all with the same dignity and rights, is at the core of the most important document to come out of World War II, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the two treaties that followed it (together known as the "International Bill of Rights"). n4 The recognition of universal human rights, based on human dignity and equality as well as the principle of nondiscrimination, is fundamental to the development of a species consciousness. As Daniel Lev of Human Rights Watch/Asia said in 1993, shortly before the Vienna Human Rights Conference: Whatever else may separate them, human beings belong to a single biological species, the simplest and most fundamental commonality before which the significance of human differences quickly fades. . . . We are all capable, in exactly the same ways, of feeling pain, hunger, [*153] and a hundred kinds of deprivation. Consequently, people nowhere routinely concede that those with enough power to do so ought to be able to kill, torture, imprison, and generally abuse others. . . . The idea of universal human rights shares the recognition of one common humanity, and provides a minimum solution to deal with its miseries. n5 Membership in the human species is central to the meaning and enforcement of human rights, and respect for basic human rights is essential for the survival of the human species. The development of the concept of "crimes against humanity" was a milestone for universalizing human rights in that it recognized that there were certain actions, such as slavery and genocide, that implicated the welfare of the entire species and therefore merited universal condemnation. n6 Nuclear weapons were immediately seen as a technology that required international control, as extreme genetic manipulations like cloning and inheritable genetic alterations have come to be seen today. In fact, cloning and inheritable genetic alterations can be seen as crimes against humanity of a unique sort: they are techniques that can alter the essence of humanity itself (and thus threaten to change the foundation of human rights) by taking human evolution into our own hands and directing it toward the development of a new species, sometimes termed the "posthuman." n7 It may be that species-altering techniques, like cloning and inheritable genetic modifications, could provide benefits to the human species in extraordinary circumstances. For example, asexual genetic replication could potentially save humans from extinction if all humans were rendered sterile by some catastrophic event. But no such necessity currently exists or is on the horizon. 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