States solve- facilitation and jurisdiction.
Renne et al., 2008 – Renne is a PhD from the University of New Orleans, Sanchez is a PhD from the University of Utah, and Litman is a director at the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (John Renne, Thomas Sanchez, and Todd Litman, “National Study on Carless and Special Needs Evacuation Planning: A Literature Review”, October 2008, accessed 7/3/12)//BZ
Similar to the federal government, state governments can facilitate carless and special needs evacuation planning through funding and facilitating intergovernmental coordination. Agencies, such as the state police, department of transportation, and departments of health and/or human services should meet on a regular basis. In larger states, with multiple urbanized areas such as California, the state should allow the metropolitan planning organizations or other regional entities to take the lead role in coordinating across jurisdictions and agencies for carless and special needs evacuation planning.
Devolution solves- responsibility to localities
Renne et al., 2008 – Renne is a PhD from the University of New Orleans, Sanchez is a PhD from the University of Utah, and Litman is a director at the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (John Renne, Thomas Sanchez, and Todd Litman, “National Study on Carless and Special Needs Evacuation Planning: A Literature Review”, October 2008, accessed 7/3/12)//BZ
Local government (including municipal and county government) serves an important function in emergency preparedness and disaster response. Emergency response works best when disasters do not cross political boundaries and when people are able to evacuate by car. Of course, disasters are not sensitive to political boundaries and as this report has demonstrated, many groups within society do not and cannot drive for a number of reasons. Professor Brian Wolshon, Chair of the Transportation Research Board’s Subcommittee of Emergency Evacuation stated at the 2007 National Hurricane Conference in New Orleans that automobile- based evacuation planning is the “low-hanging fruit.” He noted that a more difficult task is to plan for the more marginalized groups within society that are not able to evacuate by automobile. Planning at the local government level is critical for carless and special needs evacuation planning. Important functions include: Creating all hazards emergency response plans that considers both sheltering in-place and evacuation depending upon the extent and type of disaster Planning, testing, implementing and evaluating emergency response plans Coordinating with transportation providers, nonprofits, metropolitan planning organizations, state and federal government Signing memoranda of understanding with various agencies to ensure all liability concerns are addressed before a disaster Tracking, mapping, and coordinating transportation resources such as buses, vans, and trains Tracking and mapping where carless and special needs residents live Establishing and maintaining a special needs registry Continual public education efforts to ensure that everyone is prepared at all times for any type of disaster
Metropolitan planning organizations solve.
Sanchez and Brenman 2007 – *Director and Associate Professor, Urban Affairs and Planning Program, Virginia Tech – Alexandria Center **Executive Director, Washington State Human Rights Commission (Thomas W. and Marc, “TRANSPORTATION EQUITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE: LESSONS FROM HURRICANE KATRINA”, March 29-31, 2007) //ALo
The principle of environmental justice is the product of a much broader movement to address the economic and health impacts of environmental racism. Environmental justice serves as an effective framework for understanding why low-income and minority communities face the brunt of negative impacts from transportation investment. Residents understand that toxic dumps and polluting industries are more likely to find their way into low-income and minority communities. Similarly, residents understand that low-income and minority communities are more likely to face a number of transportation-related burdens. The substantially adverse and disproportionate effects of Hurricane Katrina on African Americans in August 2005 demonstrated to many advocates that what they call “institutional racism” as one such barrier continues to exist in the United States. Institutional racism includes underlying systems and policies that keep people of color and white unequal. There are certain areas of local policy where racism becomes prominent and visible, including policing, zoning, housing, and transportation. Governmental policies and programs can either promote equality, tolerance, and justice or (consciously or not) promote division and inequality and engender the belief that specific racial and ethnic groups are second-class citizens. One area of planning with increasing potential to implement transportation equity principles is metropolitan planning organizations (MPOs). While state DOTs control the majority of overall transportation planning decisions, MPOs play an important role in shaping urban transportation policies that affect the major concentrations of population within states that also include significant numbers of minorities and low-income individuals. Both of these organizations can play an increasingly important role in promoting social equity through the broad view of social inclusion. Some argue that transportation service provision is a crucial factor, feeling that the consequences of interaction between land use and transportation decisions and issues of spatial equity are effectively addressed on a regional basis and at appropriate stages in the planning process. To be effective, this requires balancing the roles of state, regional, and local agencies through a coordination, listening, and action mechanism that does not currently exist. It is in the best interest of MPOs to proactively address issues of fairness in decision making, planning, and representation, especially as they relate to allocating transportation funds. Many MPOs already have policies guided by either Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 or Executive Order 12898 on Environmental Justice, with several of them outlining specific strategies for public participation as key elements to guide planning. In addition, MPOs can protect themselves against legal challenges such as those faced by the Southeast Michigan Council of Governments (SEMCOG), where constituents challenged the representativeness of voting board members and were dissatisfied with expenditure levels for transit compared to highways in the Detroit metropolitan region. Successful challenges may either be the impetus to improve MPO processes or, if ignored, could undermine MPO effectiveness. The concept of MPOs, as federally mandated regional institutions, is different than the fair housing paradigm. Transportation by definition involves movement from one place to another. Housing is regarded as static. In 1966, the White House Conference on Civil Rights developed four housing goals that went further than merely removing barriers to free selection of housing. The goals were affirmative action to achieve open markets, dispersion of moderateand low-cost housing throughout metropolitan areas, development of racially inclusive new towns and suburbs, and revitalization of the existing ghettos. The lack of opportunity in education, housing, and transportation are joined together in perpetuating racial separation in America. Education, like housing, is segmented by governmental jurisdiction. For this reason, its success is viewed by advocates and analysts as insufficient. Transportation planning, because it crosses government jurisdictions in the form of MPOs, should be more successful in reducing barriers between people of different racial and ethnic groups. But the Anglo-dominated governance structure of MPOs seems to work at keeping transportation as a social barrier. We do not automatically conclude that this is due to institutional racism, as appears caused some of the problems following Hurricane Katrina. In part, because transportation equity is discussed so little, we have to substitute discussion of housing and education equity as proxy measures. Discussion of equity in a regional context also helps to substitute for the lack of transportation equity discussion and analysis. Jurisdictional issues help keep inequities in place. School integration, which had its heyday between 1966 and 2000, always stopped at the borders of school districts. There are over 15,000 school districts in the United States. In all states but two, school board members are elected. This example of grassroots democracy has helped keep school districts racially distinct. Generally, older cities have worse schools, and suburbs have better schools, measured in terms of achievement. The ability to get to and from the suburbs depends on transportation infrastructure. The freeway system, government housing policies, and suburban developers kept them separate. Have any of the 1966 housing goals been achieved? An argument can be made that they have not.
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