Notes I tried my best to compile and clean-up. Here’s a car: Case

Plan sparks a massive public backlash by having Trump flip flop on a key election promise --- outweighs any turn

President-elect Donald Trump built his campaign on promises to put a wall on the Mexican border, “utterly destroy” the Islamic State, and accelerate economic growth to heights never before seen outside of wartime. Days before he won the presidency, Trump told his supporters he would give them “every dream you ever dreamed for your country.” Trump’s penchant for sweeping promises — and the likelihood that he may have trouble keeping them — has Republicans concerned about what would happen if he doesn’t or can’t follow through. “If we’re given the White House and both houses of Congress and we don’t deliver,” Texas Sen. Ted Cruz said recently, “I think there will be pitchforks and torches in the streets.” Although Cruz’s vision of a violent uprising may be an exaggeration, my research suggests that Trump would indeed face a backlash if he fails to deliver on key promises. [Will Trump follow through on all his Day One promises? Doesn’t look like it.] Losses outweigh gains in the human mind. What does that mean for politics? That conclusion rests on one of the most robust theories of modern psychology, prospect theory. Prospect theory argues that in our minds, perceived losses outweigh perceived gains in ways that profoundly affect our decision-making. In a political context, this means that when the president surprises you by doing something you like, you’re happy about it. But that happiness is not nearly as powerful as the disappointment — or even sadness or anger — that you experience when the president does something you hate. One implication is that the backlash a president faces for breaking a promise to his supporters may be much stronger than whatever positive reactions come from voters who are pleasantly surprised by his decision not to pursue that campaign pledge. For Trump, a shift away from some of the radical positions he has staked out may in fact please even a majority of Americans. But any positive reaction will likely be muted, while the disappointment of his original supporters will be amplified. He could find himself losing some of his supporters without picking up the same number from the other side — which could leave him even more unpopular than he already is.

Plan causes Trump to flip flop which spurs backlash – Election proves

Walsh 16 (Kenneth, author and speaker and the award-winning White House correspondent and columnist for U.S. News & World Report, “Trump Gets Branded a Flip-Flopper”, US News, 3/7/2016, Online: https://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/ken-walshs-washington/2016/03/07/trump-gets-branded-a-flip-flopper, 7/28, DTS)

Donald Trump, known for never backing down from his controversial statements and positions, is now an advocate of flexibility. Critics say he is starting to look like what he claims to abhor: a politician who shifts with the political winds and backpedals when under pressure. But Trump's fans say he is showing common sense and avoiding the kind of stubbornness that could lead to big mistakes if he wins the White House. The latest examples are his new positions on torture and killing the families of terrorists, causing his critics to portray Trump as untrustworthy. "Democrats can't let Trump reinvent himself and become a different person from the outrageous character he has been so far," says Democratic pollster Geoff Garin, a supporter of Democratic presidential front-runner Hillary Clinton. "...There's been a lot about Trump that's been entertaining and he's tapped into voters' frustrations, but there's nothing about him so far that has seemed presidential." Garin also tells me, "It is a huge danger for him to be seen as a crazy guy and if he is going to be the nominee I would guess he would want people to think he is not really as nuts as he seems." Trump, a billionaire real-estate developer from New York and the Republican presidential front-runner, had pledged that as president he would order the families of terrorists to be killed in order to deter future attacks. He also had pledged to authorize harsh interrogation, which some see as torture, of terrorism suspects to obtain information that could stop attacks. But on Friday, in an announcement that has received little news coverage, Trump changed his mind. He acknowledged that many intelligence and military experts say killing the families of terrorists would violate international law. "I feel very, very strongly about the need to attack and kill those terrorists who attack and kill our people," Trump explained in a statement to the media. "I know people who died on 9/11. I will never forget those events. I will use every legal power that I have to stop these terrorist enemies. I do, however, understand that the United States is bound by laws and treaties and I will not order our military or other officials to violate those laws and will seek their advice on such matters." Trump also said, "It is clear that as president I will be bound by laws just like all Americans and I will meet those responsibilities." At the Republican presidential debate last week, Trump also reversed himself on part of his immigration policy. He said he now supports an increase in visas for highly skilled foreign workers. "I'm changing," he admitted. "We need highly skilled people in this country." Trump continued, "With immigration, as with anything else, there always has to be some tug and pull and deal. ... You have to be able to have some flexibility, some negotiation." The flip-flop issue is dogging Trump. Debate co-moderator Megyn Kelly of Fox News asked him whether he might change his tough stand on illegal immigration in additional ways if he became president. She cited an off-the record interview Trump had with the New York Times that was reported by BuzzFeed in which he supposedly said he would be flexible on immigration if he gets into the White House. Kelly also showed video clips of Trump seeming to change his stand condemning President George W. Bush for what Trump said was lying about the reasons for waging war in Iraq. The clip suggested that Trump is backing off that claim. Trump responded: "I have a very strong core. But I've never seen a successful person who wasn't flexible, who didn't have a certain degree of flexibility." All this may not please some Trump supporters who see flexibility as waffling, and changing positions as betrayal. And his GOP rivals have jumped on the flip-flop issue. "There's a difference between flexibility and saying whatever you need to say to get people to elect you," said Sen. Marco Rubio, Fla., a GOP presidential candidate who calls front-runner Trump a "con artist." Critics also are pressing Trump to allow the New York Times to make public its off-the-record interview.. "It's clear that he's already trying to pivot to more of a general election message and to abandon all of the things he said he was going to do on immigration," Todd Harris, a Rubio strategist, told reporters. "He's made a lot of promises to a whole lot of people, and people have accepted him at his word that he's going to keep them. And what we've seen over the last several days is that those promises are already starting to unravel."

OCR

Trump’s base largely supports the rollback of Obama-era OCR policies – they view them as unnecessary executive overreach.

Mead 17 Walter Russell, EDITOR-AT-LARGE, THE AMERICAN INTEREST ONLINE, 2017, “Education Department to Roll Back Title IX Overreach,” The American Interest, 06/29, https://www.the-american-interest.com/2017/06/29/education-department-roll-back-title-ix-overreach/ Accessed 07/27/2017 //jsaltman

When Donald Trump appointed Candace E. Jackson to run the Office for Civil Rights in Education, the federal agency that spent much of its time during the Obama years pressuring colleges to reduce due process protections for students accused of sexual assault, we called it “one of his presidency’s most pointed acts of trolling.” A woman who had made her career highlighting Bill Clinton’s alleged sexual predation and Hillary Clinton’s alleged complicity would now be in charge of setting campus sexual assault policies—on behalf of the president whose campaign was nearly undone by the infamous Access Hollywood tape. Talk about twisting the knife. But in one of Jackson’s first major appearances in her role as Acting Assistant Secretary for the Office of Civil Rights, she struck the right tone, promising that the agency would continue to vigorously enforce civil rights laws but also that it would back off some of the more zealous and ideological crusades that had set the agenda for the department during the last administration. Inside Higher Education reports on her comments this week to the National Association of College and University Attorneys: “OCR has fallen into a pattern and practice of overreaching, of setting out to punish and embarrass institutions rather than appreciate their good faith and genuine desire to correct legitimate civil rights problems,” Jackson said. She pointedly accused the Obama administration’s civil rights office of taking a “gotcha” approach to enforcing civil rights laws, of approaching “every complaint as a fishing expedition through which our field investigators have been told to keep searching until you find a violation rather than go where the evidence takes them.” That expansive approach, combined with OCR leaders’ disinclination to let investigators in the agency’s regional offices exercise their judgment, Jackson and Wheeler argued, created a huge backlog of cases, keeping colleges — and the students who brought the complaints as well as those accused — in limbo for “months if not years.” During the last half-decade of the Obama Administration, the agency’s leadership seemed determined to carry out the agenda of the most militant campus activists, who believed that colleges were in the midst of a full-blown rape crisis on par with what we usually associate with third world war zones. The result was the rise of an expensive Title IX-feminist bureaucracy throughout academia and a flurry of regulations that undermined civil liberties. While many colleges will likely retain their draconian policies, the new administration’s more modest approach is a step in the right direction. But it is no way a lasting resolution to the campus sex wars. The next time a Democrat takes office, he or she is likely to appoint people from the pool of legal activists who ran the agency the last time around. That’s why we desperately need legislation clarifying the powers of the OCR, the scope of Title IX, and the nature of campus’ (and law enforcement’s) responsibilities in combating sexual assault. Until then, federal policy will remain in flux. And that’s not in the interest of colleges or sexual assault victims or the accused.

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