Obs. 1 Status Quo 4 Thus the Plan: 8


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The squo reforms are a joke, nothing about the actual authorization of surveillance has changed. AFF is the only way to change surveillance.

Cyrus Farivar, writer for Arstechnica, “Even former NSA chief thinks USA Freedom Act was a pointless change “And this is it after two years? Cool!”” - Jun 17, 2015 http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2015/06/even-former-nsa-chief-thinks-usa-freedom-act-was-a-pointless-change/



The former director of the National Security Agency isn’t particularly concerned about the loss of the government’s bulk metadata collection under Section 215 of the Patriot Act. As Gen. Michael Hayden pointed out in an interview at a Wall Street Journal conference on Monday, the only change that has happened is that data has moved to being held by phone companies, and the government can get it under a court order. Hayden said: If somebody would come up to me and say, “Look, Hayden, here’s the thing: This Snowden thing is going to be a nightmare for you guys for about two years. And when we get all done with it, what you’re going to be required to do is that little 215 program about American telephony metadata—and by the way, you can still have access to it, but you got to go to the court and get access to it from the companies, rather than keep it to yourself”—I go: “And this is it after two years? Cool!” The NSA and the intelligence community as a whole still have many other technical and legal tools at their disposal, including the little-understood Executive Order 12333, among others. That document, known in government circles as "twelve triple three," gives incredible leeway to intelligence agencies sweeping up vast quantities of Americans' data. That data ranges from e-mail content to Facebook messages, from Skype chats to practically anything that passes over the Internet on an incidental basis. In other words, EO 12333 protects the tangential collection of Americans' data even when Americans aren't specifically targeted—otherwise it would be forbidden under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) of 1978.

Status quo FISA reform has done absolutely nothing, the courts refuse to even use the amicus council option. The AFF is key.

Dustin Volz, National Journal June 19, 2015 “SECRETIVE SURVEILLANCE COURT SKIPS TALKING TO PRIVACY ADVOCATES” http://www.nextgov.com/cybersecurity/2015/06/secretive-surveillance-court-skips-talking-privacy-advocates/115864/

The secretive court that oversees U.S. spying programs selected to not consult a panel of privacy advocates in its first decision made since the enactment earlier this month of major surveillance reform, according to an opinion declassified Friday. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court opted to forgo appointing a so-called "amicus" of privacy advocates as it considered whether the USA Freedom Act could reinstate spying provisions of the Patriot Act even though they expired on June 1 amid an impasse in the Senate. The Court ruled that the Freedom Act's languagewhich will restore the National Security Agency's bulk collection of U.S. call data for six months before transitioning to a more limited program—could revive those lapsed provisions, but in assessing that narrow legal question, Judge Dennis Saylor concluded that the Court did not first need confer with a privacy panel as proscribed under the reform law. "The statute provides some limited guidance, in that it clearly contemplates that there will be circumstances where an amicus curiae is unnecessary (that is, 'not appropriate')," Saylor wrote. "At a minimum, it seems likely that those circumstances would include situations where the court concludes that it does not need the assistance or advice of amicus curiae because the legal question is relatively simple, or is capable of only a single reasonable or rational outcome." Saylor reasoned that in decisions where the "outcome is sufficiently clear" and that reasonable jurists would agree, the appointment of privacy panel is not required by the Freedom Act. "This is such an instance," Saylor concluded. But some privacy advocates were rankled by the Court's reasoning, and suggested Saylor was too relaxed in his discussion regarding when privacy experts should be called on to weigh in on a decision. "Propriety in the spirit of the USA Freedom Act is when the decision at hand were to have an impact on the rights of individuals, not necessarily when the Court conjectures that a decision is self-evident," said Amie Stepanovich, U.S. policy manager at Access, an international digital-rights organization. "It is the job of the amicus to raise issues that may not be readily apparent on first blush, meaning that what first may appear to be a clear-cut decision actually raises underlying questions. The Court must respect the presumption of the statute in favor of appointing the amicus." Many civil-liberties organizations that supported the Freedom Act view its creation of a privacy panel as one of the law's strongest and most important provisions. The FISA Court has long been derided as a "rubber-stamp" for government surveillance orders—a criticism that has only grown more pronounced in the two years since the Edward Snowden revelations began. Friday's declassified opinion did not restore the NSA's controversial phone dragnet, but it set the stage for the Court to do so. The Freedom Act will effectively end the mass-surveillance protocol, first exposed publicly by Snowden, but only after a six-month transition period during which the NSA prepares to switch to a more limited program. Under the new system, the NSA will be able to collect call metadata from phone companies only on an as-needed, generally targeted basis after obtaining approval from the FISA Court. The decision notes that the Justice Department applied for a new surveillance order on June 11 but "factual details of the applications are classified, and not necessary to resolve the issue addressed in this opinion."

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2015 camp evidence -> Resolved: on balance, police are more responsible than protesters for recent civil unrest in the United States

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