Concerning racism, DuBois, while unbending and unapologetic, nevertheless saw the deep complexities of the issue. He never ignored the more moderate Black activists, giving them plenty of space to publish their views in his magazines. And his analysis of the phenomena of racism recognized the fear whites had of losing the privileges and power they were so used to. Nevertheless, he repeatedly wrote that the world would never be free from the throes of war and hostility until all people were seen as fundamentally equal, their sameness and unity emphasized, their differences cherished and respected. As with other issues, he viewed racial relations and warmaking between nations as essentially interconnected; during the First World War he often wrote that the world was witnessing large-scale bigotry of the same grain as the small-scale prejudice found in the American South.
During the first half of the Twentieth Century, when DuBois did most of his writing, many “scientists” were claiming that they could prove the inferiority of some races and the superiority of others. This deeply disturbed DuBois, who immediately saw such pseudo-science as a horrifying justification for segregation at least and genocide at worst. These racial scientists appealed to data such as IQ tests and comparative brain anatomy to prove their points. DuBois rejected all such efforts and repeatedly pointed out that they were based on faulty, often dishonest data. To really see the potential of various races, he reasoned, one must examine them all at their best. If this was impossible for Blacks because of their social situations, then those situations had to be corrected.
DuBois’s refutation of racial science is especially relevant today given the publication in 1994 of Charles Murray and Richard Hemstein’s The Bell Curve, which critics have pointed out contains the same justifications of racial inequality that DuBois attacked over 50 years ago. DuBois would probably have been deeply disturbed that such ideas are still influencing many powerful policy makers.
Opposition from Black Moderates and Others
As one of the first writers to examine the connection between economic exploitation and racial equality,
W.E.B. DuBois naturally met with considerable objection from more conservative thinkers. Many pro-capitalists of all races feel that socialism is neither necessary nor sufficient to liberate oppressed peoples.
Instead, a system, like capitalism, which rewards effort and discourages laziness, would be a fair proving ground to all people regardless of skin color or nationality. Such thinkers reason that, absent government interference with market forces, a natural hierarchy will emerge that includes successful representatives of all races. Such individualists would accuse DuBois of confusing “equality of opportunity” with “equality of result” The former is the ideal of a sound market-based society where everyone had a fair chance to enter the “game” of life. The latter, which punishes the successful on behalf of the failures, will only discourage the innovation, creativity and risk-taking that pushes society forward through technological and cultural advancement
Additionally, many Black radicals are suspicious of any brand of Marxism, even DuBois’s politics. Their argument is more pragmatic than philosophical: By emphasizing conflict and demanding social changes that no powerful whites would possibly agree with, Black radicals invite more, not less, oppression, and may even set the movement back. Malcom X, for example, gave Black liberation a bad name by calling whites “devils” and advocating violence, while Martin Luther King emphasized peaceful means of protest and change. Although DuBois was in many ways “half M.L. King and half Malcom X,” moderate Black liberationists would have preferred he be more like King, thereby avoiding potential backlash. But while DuBois heard plenty of these arguments, his moral indignation of institutional and personal racism was unbending, and he was never willing to keep silent about those issues.
Implications for Debate
Debaters can find many resources in the writings of W.E.B. DuBois, especially since so many of his arguments reveal the interconnectedness of various political, social and philosophical issues. They can use his arguments to point out, for example, that while capitalism seems to uphold abstract criteria of justice and individual rights, its practical history is one not only of immiseration but also of the exacerbation of racism, which would “turn” the appeal to individual rights. And DuBois appeal to duty to community is one of the most powerful our Twentieth Century has yet produced.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
William L Andrews (Ed.). CRITICAL ESSAYS ON W.E.B. DUBOIS (Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1985).
DeMarco, Joseph P. THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF W.E.B. DUBOIS (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1983).
DuBois, W.E.B. AFRICA, ITS GEOGRAPHY, PEOPLE AND PRODUCTS (Girard, Kansas: Little-Blue, 1930).
. THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF WEB. DUBOIS (New York: International Publishers, 1968).
. BLACK FOLK THEN AND NOW (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1939).
. COLOR AND DEMOCRACY: COLONIES AND PEACE (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1945).
. THE EDUCATION OF BLACK PEOPLE: TEN CRITIQUES (Amherst University of Massachusetts Press, 1973).
. PAMPHLETS AND LEAFLETS (White Plains: Kraus-Thornson, 1986).
. SELECTIONS FROM THE CRISIS (two Volumes) (Millwood: Kraus-Thomson, 1983).
. SELECTIONS FROM THE HORIZON (White Plains: Kraus-Thomson, 1985).
. THE SOULS OF BLACK FOLK (New York: New American Library, 1969).
. W.E.B. DUBOIS SPEAKS (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970).
DuBois, Shirley Graham. HIS DAY IS MARCHING ON (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1971).
Harris, Thomas E. ANALYSIS OF THE CLASH OVER THE ISSUES BETWEEN BOOKER T. WASHINGTON AND W.E.B. DUBOIS (New York Garland, 1993).
Lewis, David Levering. W.E.B. DUBOIS: BIOGRAPHY OF A RACE 1868-1919 (New York: Henry Holt And Company, 1993).
Marable, Manning. W.E.B. DUBOIS: BLACK RADICAL DEMOCRAT (Boston: Twayne Publishers,
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