Prepared by: Kais Al‐Momani Nour Dados Marion Maddox Amanda Wise C

CHAPTER 7: SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS

SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS

DIVERSE SOCIAL LOCATIONS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

state (NSW & Victoria) upper house MLCs.

ƒ Local government, particularly in NSW, showed a much stronger occurrence of Muslims in elected office. They tended to be clustered in areas where most Muslims live. The local nature of the voter base, and the lack of mainstream media interest made it easier to be pre‐selected and elected at the local level.

ƒ There are a number of impressive Muslim influentials working in the public sphere often crossing roles such as academia, journalism, opinion writers in major newspapers, and sometimes comedy.

ƒ Traditional community leaders working in established community peak bodies remained influential, mainly because of their institutional status as ‘official’ community leaders.

ƒ However there were also a number of individuals who had found influence through their work in the community sector who had effectively made use of available mentors and networks to find a path to political and policy influence. Especially those working with women and youth issues, and those working in multicultural (rather than ethno‐specific) organisations. These tended to represent more diverse voices than the traditional community leaders.

ƒ Online forums for political expression and mobilisation were increasingly important for the younger generation.

COMMON CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POLITICALLY ACTIVE

had a history of political engagement before migration, and family environment, such as a parent who

read the newspaper and engaged in ‘dinner table’ political discussion; and parents who encouraged civic engagement among their children.

ƒ Many mentioned having strong family role models – particularly women, who had often been inspired by strong, leadership focused female relatives.

ƒ Cultural background came up especially in terms of the kind of political environment and political system people came from. For example, several respondents of Lebanese background mentioned coming from a community where politics was always discussed.

ƒ Gender was significant, but whether or not it was a limitation was related to specific family and cultural contexts (for example, being female was less of an obstacle to political participation for Lebanese women who were educated in Australia, and a greater one for Iraqi women who arrived as refugees).

ƒ Female converts were more represented amongst politically active women than Muslim women from migrant and refugee backgrounds.

ƒ Newly arrived migrants (especially if they arrived as refugees) were less likely to be politically active, although, in some cases, refugees who arrived as young children were more active in adulthood than their parents.

ƒ Community support was important; for example, a specific community’s gender mores could influence women’s political involvement.

_{ƒ More education, especially at university, meant higher levels of participation.}

ƒ A strong sense of identity and belonging within the wider community led to increased confidence about speaking on Australian politics and social issues.

ƒ In some cases, local (and less often international) political factors may have propelled them to become involved in politics. For some, a particular issue or perceived injustice led them to consider paths to take action.

MAIN POLITICAL INTERESTS OF THE POLITICALLY ACTIVE

ƒ Diversity in the issues people felt were important – many (especially, those in local government) felt that the areas of most importance were local and specific to their communities rather than larger, national or international ones.

ƒ Changing negative perceptions and stereotypes of Muslims was a common theme.

ƒ Human rights in Australia and overseas.

BARRIERS TO PARTICIPATION

ƒ Parents from politically repressive countries of origin often feared for their politically active children.

ƒ Focus on Muslim community was seen as disabling – particularly negative media attention.

ƒ Newer arrivals possibly perceived the lack of a large Muslim presence in the political system to evidence of lack of Muslim engagement.

ƒ Lack of trust and loss of confidence in government.

ƒ Pessimism about what can be changed and cynicism about the political system generally.

ƒ Some social and cultural factors, eg the need to avoid settings where alcohol is consumed, need for halal food; some women found hijab‐wearing, or declining to shake hands, made the necessary social interactions awkward.

ƒ Perception among a small number of Muslims that voting is anti‐Islamic.

ƒ Lack of receptiveness and inclusive practices by main political parties, or mainstream forums that facilitate political and policy influence.

ƒ General lack of interest in or knowledge of politics and the Australian political system. This was not confined to Muslim communities; it reflects both general trends and a particular lack of knowledge among culturally and linguistically diverse communities, due to cultural and language constraints.

IMPACT OF GENDER, ETHNICITY, CLASS AND GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION

these communities were also active to some extent.

ƒ The least active were women from newly arrived communities (eg Iraqi women).

ƒ Access (geographical location) to services, initiatives or programs played a significant role in whether people would access it. For example, Victoria fared better in terms of the scope of services and funding available for programs.

ƒ Income and economic mobility also contributed to whether people were involved in community work but did not seem a significant factor; that is, people from lower socio‐economic backgrounds could still be active if other factors were permitting.

EXISTING PROGRAMS IN AUSTRALIA

ƒ Mainly what we identified was a mix of leadership and civics education type programs.

ƒ Australia is very well represented in terms of leadership programs for young Muslims compared to the UK and the US

ƒ Australia fared less well in terms of civics education or political participation programs – UK had some successful examples of such programs (Nasiha, ENGAGE Get Out and Vote).

ƒ Some small civics education programs were funded through local government in Australia – eg

Auburn Council.

ƒ Some small civics education programs funded through local government in Australia – does not appear to be comprehensive; eg Auburn council

ƒ The Australian Electoral Commission runs electoral information and education campaigns targeted high culturally and linguistically diverse electorates, most of which have high numbers of Muslim Australian voters. Australian Electoral Commission campaigns have bi‐lingual educators, including Arabic speakers, and produce education materials in key community languages.

ƒ Two groups had previously run political educational and mobilisation campaigns leading up to the

2004 and 2007 elections. However funding was scarce, and the scale and impact was thus minimal.

TACKLING THE PROBLEM: WHAT WORKS & AREAS FOR FOCUS

linguistically diverse groups of Muslim background live. For new arrivals, think about the timing of

civics education – if it is too early in the settlement process the information won’t be useful to them and will be quickly forgotten (JS1410301; RS213)

ƒ Long term and renewable government funding is needed for successful initiatives and organisations that have provided successful initiatives.

ƒ Perceived ‘heavy handed’ government interventions create resistance. For example, programs funded under the NAP were seen negatively by some sections of the community. However the funding provided under this program was welcomed and did facilitate a number of very good initiatives. A less controversial ‘banner’ needs to be found to deliver funding.

ƒ Great caution should be exercised in government‐initiated programs that could be construed as singling out Muslim communities. When specific circumstances justify a Muslim‐specific program, the relevant communities need to be adequately consulted in advance and possible adverse effects fully assessed.

ƒ Broad‐based programs need to be inclusive of Muslims and to encourage Muslim participation. At the most basic level, this includes considerations such as provision of halal food and prayer facilities.

ƒ Ongoing effort needs to be directed towards eradicating negative views of Muslims in the media, including workshops on how Muslims can effectively seek redress for media imbalance and counteract negative portrayals of Muslims.

ƒ Programs should take account of the need to restore Muslim communities’ confidence in government. For example, when government departments undertake consultation, they should report back to the communities involved, including about policy changes.

ƒ Methods of disseminating information and talking about participation should include new and non‐

traditional mediums, including new technologies.