Przykładowe Materiały Egzaminacyjne JĘzyk angielski poziom 3 Czytanie
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Part 3 Listening 27 Hello, this is Francis Line. In today’s programme: presidential elections in the Gambia, in West Africa. Our West Africa correspondent, Mark Doyle, is in the Gambian capital, Ban Jue. The president of the Gambia was clearly enjoying himself. He was standing with head and shoulders through the sunroom of his four-wheel-drive, tossing T-shirts to the crowd. The people, poor rural villagers for the most part, were scrabbling and fighting for one of the precious garments which, of course, had a smiling picture of president Jaja Jami printed front and back. Going by T-shirt poll, it’s difficult to call this election. It could be close. The greet T-shirts of the ruling party are evident wherever president Jami goes. But the yellow T-shirts of the opposition are bound in the places they hold their meetings. Just before the president arrived at his election rally in a welter of flying green T-shirts, I was surprised to see a truck with a large anti-aircraft gun drive through the crowd. The soldiers on board that truck and about a hundred other troops who subsequently arrived were the president’s security men. Presidential aids told me these were quite normal security measures. Well yes, up to a point. But even in unstable parts of Africa, it’s only normal to bring out the big guns if there’s a military threat. And in the Gambia there aren’t any known armed opponents to the Jamy regime. The opposition parties in this election say the display of military hardware is designed to intimidated the electorate. President Jaja Jamey came to power in 1994 in a bloodless military coup when he was a young army lieutenant. Two years later he civilianised his rule in elections widely seen as unfair because he banned a number of his opponents from standing. And so there are question marks in Thursday’s election about how level the plain field is between the various candidates. His supporters say, and they have a point, that he overthrew a lazy and corrupt civilian government which had done little for the Gambia. And they add that the opposition coalition is just the old guard in disguise trying to return to power. And so what we have in this election is the challenges of democracy in Africa but in miniature. About half a million voters will decide if they like the dynamic, though blunt and sometimes brutal, former military man, or perhaps they will prefer the quietly spoken lawyer, Usni Dabo, who heads the main anti-military opposition coalition. The BBC’s West Africa correspondent Mike Doyle.
With counting getting on the way in Zimbabwe’s presidential election increasing concerns are being expressed about the conduct of the poll. The head of the Southern African observer mission, Ducle Focal, said that when the polls closed people who still wanted to vote have been prevented form doing so, which did not bode well for the election process. As the BBC is restricted in south Zimbabwe, Graham Ferry, reports form the South African border. Counting begins this morning even though local independent local election observers say thousands of would-be voters were unable to cast their ballots in the capital Harare. The government flatly denied that there were any queues at the close of poling and said everyone who wanted to vote had done so. Overnight, the sealed ballot boxes have been held in one counting centre in each of Zimbabwe’s 120 constituencies. The opposition is allowed to observe the counting process but was not permitted to accompany the ballot boxes as they were moved from the poling stations. It’s already indicated that it will challenge the results if it’s candidate, Morgan Changoray, doesn’t win.
For the past week and a half, the American have been battling against hundreds of Al Kaida and Talliban fighters, dun deep into the mountains if Eastern Afghanistan. And they’re sounding increasingly confident of success. The Americans have withdrawn 400 soldiers – a quarter of their forces – from the front lines, saying one phase of the conflict has been completed. But at the same time, a thousand Afghan reinforcements have been arriving in the area. Some Afghan commanders have been highly critical of the American operations, saying their troops have made mistakes. Others point out the Afghans have more than 20 years’ experience of war in this rugged terrain and are far better suited to fighting there. Whatever the reason for America’s decision to scale down, it means the Afghans will now make up the bulk of the force, and this has raised questions over who should be leading it. An advisor to the governor of the Pach Tier Province has said the local administration is not being informed or consulted. The Americans have provided training, clothing and equipment to many of the Afghan soldiers, but it seems unlikely they’ll hand over complete control of the operation to them. The Afghans have great experience in gorilla warfare, but far less in organised large-scale ground offences, which might be required to ensure all the Al Kaida fighters are captured or killed. Listening 30 African countries such as Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola are all rich in diamonds. But the gems have had a deadly legacy there. In all these countries, the profits from trading in diamonds have funded major wars. The United Nations has taken action against what are known as conflict or blood diamonds but that hasn’t stopped illegal trading. Most recently there have been allegations that sales of diamonds from Sierra Leone have funded Osama Bin Laden’s Al Kaida network. Now there are efforts to set up an industry wide certification scheme which will control diamonds not just in the countries they come from but also in the countries where they’re sold. Andrew Morry has this report. Under pressure from the United Nations the government of Sierra Leone has set up a certification scheme. Miners must have licences and dealers must have exports certificates. The scheme is intended to ensure that the diamonds mined in rebel-held areas don’t find their way onto the world market. But it’s alleged that illegal trading continues. Recently a government minister was arrested on charges of involvement in illegal diamond mining. And Abu Brima of the Just Mining campaign in Sierra Leone says the rebels are continuing to trade in diamonds. Over the past 18 months some 35 governments, germ industry representatives and campaigning groups have been meeting to come up with a practical system to keep conflict diamonds out of the international germ trade. They were originally brought together by the South African government in what’s become known as the Kimberly process. Their plans will be presented at the next meeting of the United Nations’ general assembly scheduled for early December. Mark Ramsey of the World Diamond Council which represents the diamond trade’s interests say the industry would accept legal restraints. “The World Diamond Council has indorsed model legislation which is before the U.S. Congress and we are prepared also to back calls for international law enforcement at a more aggressive level as a way of trying to identify those who are violating laws worldwide and put them behind bars where they belong. The industry is completely committed to the elimination of this trade.” Here, diamonds are sorted at the world’s most powerful diamond company De Beers – a member of the World Diamond Council. It’s the high end of the diamond business, a world away from the impoverished diamond miners and illegal behind-the-scenes deals. But its also a symbol of the vast wealth of an industry which up to now has resisted interference, and campaigner Ian Smily recognises that despite the talks process, things will be hard to change. Listening 31 After almost a decade of civil war the Balkans, are in dire need of foreign cash. That’s the message Macedonian government officials will be trying to get across today when they meet would-be investors this morning at a donor conference in Brussels involving forty countries. Our correspondent in Belgrade, Paul Anderson, reports now of what the possible benefits are for Macedonia. Macedonian leaders say they want pledges from the conference amounting to more than 250 million euros, or 220 million dollars. All of it aiding an economy which has struggled to recover from last year’s conflict with Albanian rebels. They may well get much of it. There was universal praise for Macedonia last week after parliament approved a law granting the rebels an amnesty from prosecution. The Americans said they would make what they called a significant contribution to the pledges of aid. With the adoption of the amnesty law, the foreign powers which drew up the plan ending Macedonia’s seven-month conflict believe the country is well on the road to peace. Supporting its damaged economy is part of the process. Of the money the Macedonians hope to raise, the lion share is earmarked for budgetary support. The rest, around 70 million euros, would pay for the implementation of specific proposals within the peace agreement, particularly the business of devolving power to local authorities and for the reconstruction of damaged housing. Thousands of Albanian and Macedonian houses were shelled or torched in the conflict. Many of the 80 000 or so people who fled the fighting live now among the ruins of their homes or haven’t been able to get back at all. The donors conference may also help restore the confidence of investors who bolted the country when the conflict broke out. Macedonia desperately needs foreign-backed industrial projects to boost its job market. Officially, just under 40 per cent of the work force is unemployed. Unofficially, it’s close to 50 per cent. Paul Anderson.
Three times the number of wolves are roaming this remote mountainous state now compared with a decade ago and, according to Mr Kucikov, that’s are too many. Two thousand used to be the population in Soviet times when there were also more shepherds to keep numbers down. In addition, few farmers have rifles these days. Many weapons were confiscated after violence in the country’s south some years ago. The search for food over the winter can drive wolves closer to human settlement, but officials say attacks on people and domestic animals have increased over all, almost doubling in the past nine months. One man died after being bitten. 150 wolves have been killed by hunters so far this year. Now, a special fund’s being set up to pay anyone doing so. Wolf pelts will be made into coats and hats and, Mr Kuciakov says, proceeds from their sale will finance the fund. The state will also pay for a mass cull. Experts want it to happen as soon as possible, while the wolves remain in large packs. The situation has serious economic implications for local people too. For rural Khirgis their livestock is their livelihood. Every animal loss to a wolf makes the struggle to survive even harder. Our Central Asia correspondent, Katharine Davis.
The holding cells beneath Nairobi’s law courts are dark and narrow, the wormer rich with the scent of urine and sweat. It’s Wednesday morning and all the cells are full. “Busy times”, says the policeman, kicking a door shut with a polished boot. Noises trickle down from the courts, upstairs shouts and footsteps – the muffled shouts of Kenyan justice. “What justice”, says Gitubu Imaniara looking defiantly around the beige, sun speckled corridors. This place is the epicentre of corruption in Kenya. You buy justice here at all levels. Mr Imaniara should know, he’s a lawyer on his way to court. Most Kenyans hold the judiciary in utter contempt rotten to the core. A lawyer recently published an anonymous article in which he listed the exact processes and price of corruption. Three thousand dollars to fix a murder case, the money collected by the prosecutor and split with the magistrate. In a civil case the going rate is ten percent of any damages claimed. Smaller sums will ensure that files are lost or moved. But today there are tantalising signs that things may be about to change here. For the first time in forty years Kenya has a new government promising to clean things up. Mr Imaniara and I arrive outside the chief magistrate’s court. A middle aged man in a frayed shirt is waiting for us. Kornels Akielo Oniango looks nervous. Hardly surprising. He’s just launched a private prosecution against the most senior law officer in the country – the Chief Justice, Burna Chunga. The case deals not with corruption but with torture. In the nineteen eighties, Kenya was a repressive, one-party state. It was not uncommon for defendants, opponents of the regime, to be carried out from the cells on stretches too bruised to walk, and then be tried and convicted in a matter of minutes. Cornels Oniango says that’s what happened to him as a student leader in 1982, and again in 1986. The prosecutor, in both cases, was Burna Chunga, now the chief justice. So, today’s private prosecution is a test case, a ground-braking attempt to put the legal system itself on trial. In the end, not much happens in the sombre wood-panelled court. The magistrate says he needs another week to consider whether or not to proceed with the case. But outside, Cornels and his lawyer don’t seem at all bothered. Mr Imaniara is delighted it’s come this far. Under the old government, he says, we wouldn’t even have got past the from door. Besides, if this one fails, we’ve got a hundred more torture cases ready to go. A can of worms is being opened up in Kenya right now. There can’t be many people from the old regime who were sleeping that well. One high court judge is already facing corruption charges along with half a dozen senior civil servants. Directory: plik -> file -> Do pobrania - Mat. Egzaminacyjne -> Angielski Angielski -> Two texts. For questions 1 to 6 plik -> March 4th-8th 2000; ustroń, poland Download 1.02 Mb. Share with your friends:
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